|توماس وودرو ويلسون
|28 رئيس الولايات المتحدة|
4 مارس 1913 – 4 مارس 1921
|نائب الرئيس||توماس مارشال|
|سبقه||وليام هوارد تافت|
|34th Governor of New Jersey|
17 يناير 1911 – 1 مارس 1913
|سبقه||جون فرانكلين فورت|
|خلفه||James Fairman Fielder|
|13th رئيس جامعة پرنستون|
|سبقه||Francis L. Patton|
|خلفه||John Aikman Stewart|
|وُلِد||Thomas Woodrow Wilson
28 ديسمبر 1856
|توفي||3 فبراير 1924
واشنطن دي سي
|الزوج||Ellen Axson Wilson
Edith Bolling Galt Wilson
|الأنجال||Margaret Woodrow Wilson
Eleanor R. Wilson
|الجامعة الأم||جامعة پرنستون
جامعة جونز هوپكنز
|المهنة||أكاديميا (تاريخ, علوم سياسية)|
كان أكاديمياً في مقتبل حياته حتى صار رئيساً لجامعة برنستون، ثم الحاكم رقم 45 لولاية نيو جيرسي من عام 1911 إلى 1913 م. واستطاع وهو حاكم لولاية نيوجيرسي تحويلها إلى واحدة من أكثر الولايات تقدمًا، مما لفت إليه الأنظار على المستوى القومي. وهكذا كسب انتخابات الرئاسة لعام 1912م ضد الرئيس السابق روزفلت. كان ثاني رئيس ديمقراطي يحكم لمدتين متواليتين بالبيت الأبيض بعد أندرو جاكسون. غطت فترة رئاسته انخراط بلده بالحرب العالمية الأولى.
عندما أصبح رئيسًا اهتم بإحداث برنامج تشريعي شديد الطموح. في ديسمبر 1913م تبنى الكونجرس توصية ولسون؛ حيث أجاز قانون الاحتياطي الفيدرالي، والذي نشأ بموجبه نظام مصرفي مركزي. كما قاد ولسون الكونجرس إلى تبني سلسلة من الإصلاحات عام 1916م، شملت تحديد ساعات عمل الأطفال، وتحديد يوم العمل في الخطوط الحديدية بثماني ساعات، مع تحسين مستوى التعليم، وتعبيد الطرق في المناطق الريفية.
واستحوذت المسائل الخاصة بالشؤون الخارجية على الكثير من اهتمام الرئيس ولسون. وعند اندلاع الحرب العالمية الأولى أعلن ولسون حياد الولايات المتحدة، ولكن في 7 مايو 1915م، أغرقت غواصة ألمانية سفينة بريطانية مما أدى إلى مقتل 128 أمريكيًا. ولكن ولسون ظل محتفظًا بضبط النفس، وأجرى مفاوضات مع الألمان بأن يأمروا غواصاتهم بعدم الهجوم على سفن نقل الركاب أو سفن الدول المحايدة.
غطت الحرب في أوروبا على كل مظاهر الحملة الانتخابية. وقد رفع الحزب الديمقراطي، الذي أعاد ترشيح ولسون، شعار "لقد أبقانا ولسون بعيدًا عن الحرب". وفاز ولسون بالرئاسة مرة أخرى بفارق ضئيل عن منافسه.
حاول ولسون إيقاف الحرب في أوروبا، ولكن عندما بدأت ألمانيا في فبراير 1917م مهاجمة كل السفن التجارية بما في ذلك الغواصات، قرر ولسون مضطرًا إعلان الحرب على ألمانيا في 6 أبريل 1917م.
في يوليو عام 1918م ألقى ولسون أهم خطاب له أمام الكونجرس، حيث حدد أربع عشرة نقطة للاسترشاد بها في حالة الوصول إلى تسوية سلمية للحرب. وقد قاد ولسون بنفسه الوفد الأمريكي لمؤتمر الصلح في باريس، إذ كان مصممًا على تنفيذ نقاطه الأربع عشرة، كما كان مصممًا على خطة لإنشاء عصبة الأمم. وحصل ولسون على جزءٍ فقط من شروط المعاهدة التي كان يطمح لها، مما أضعف موقفه المعنوي في نظر العالم، رغم أن تنازلاته أدت إلى قيام عصبة الأمم.
ورغم نصيحة الأطباء، انخرط ولسون في حملة خطابية لإقناع الشعب الأمريكي بانضمام حكومته إلى عصبة الأمم. وقد أرهقه هذا الجهد صحيًا؛ إذ أصيب من جرائه بالشلل في الثاني من أكتوبر عام 1919م، وظل مريضًا بقية حياته، إلا أنه لم يبتعد عن منصب الرئاسة.
وأصر ولسون أن يكون موضوع عصبة الأمم هو المسألة الرئيسية في الحملة الانتخابية عام 1920م ونتج عن ذلك فوز مرشح الحزب الجمهوري، الذي كان يعارض الانضمام إلى عصبة الأمم.
في 10 ديسمبر 1920م مُنح ولسون جائزة نوبل للسلام لجهوده الرامية لعقد اتفاقية سلام عادلة، ولإنشائه عصبة الأمم. ولعلها من سخرية التاريخ أن لا تنضم الولايات المتحدة للهيئة التي كافح ولسون لإنشائها.
عاش ولسون نحو ثلاث سنوات بعد نهاية فترة الرئاسة في هدوء، حيث مات أثناء نومه في منزله بواشنطن في 3 فبراير 1924م.
- 1 رئيس جامعة پرنستون
- 2 حاكم نيوجرسي
- 3 الانتخابات الرئاسية 1912
- 4 الرئاسة (1913–1921)
- 4.1 الفترة الرئاسية الأولى (1913–17)
- 4.2 الانتخابات الرئاسية 1916
- 4.3 الفترة الرئاسية الثانية (1917–1921)
- 4.3.1 الدخول في الحرب العالمية الأولى
- 4.3.2 الجبهة الداخلية
- 4.3.3 النقاط الأربعة عشر
- 4.3.4 مؤتمر السلام 1919
- 4.3.5 القتال على المعاهدة، 1919
- 4.3.6 بعد الحرب: 1919–1920
- 4.3.7 علاقات خارجية أخرى
- 4.3.8 عدم القدرة الطبية على الاستمرار في الرئاسة
- 4.3.9 حظر الكحول
- 4.3.10 حق المرأة في الانتخاب
- 4.3.11 الكساد الاقتصادي بعد الحرب
- 4.4 الادارة والوزارة
- 4.5 التعيينات القضائية
- 5 عيد الأم
- 6 وفاته
- 7 وسائط
- 8 انظر أيضاً
- 9 الهامش
- 10 المصادر
- 11 وصلات خارجية
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رئيس جامعة پرنستون
Wilson had in the past been offered the presidency at the University of Illinois in 1892, and at the University of Virginia in 1901, both of which he declined. The Princeton trustees promoted Professor Wilson to president in June 1902, replacing Francis Landey Patton, whom the trustees perceived to be an inefficient administrator.
In January 1910 Wilson had drawn the attention of New Jersey's former U.S. Senator James Smith, Jr. and George Harvey as the potential Democratic standard bearer in the upcoming gubernatorial election.
الانتخابات الرئاسية 1912
Wilson's prominence as governor and in the national media induced his presidential campaign in 1912. Wilson committed himself to try for the Democratic nomination in March of the prior year when he spoke at an Atlanta meeting of the Southern Commercial Congress; afterwards he said : "I was given a dinner, breakfast and reception, and on every possible occasion was nominated for the presidency!" While Wilson was in Atlanta, his wife Ellen, alerted him that key Democrat William Jennings Bryan was visiting Princeton, and recalling Wilson's opposition to him in 1896, invited him for dinner upon Wilson's return. The establishment of rapport with Bryan, the most recent standard-bearer of the party, was a success.
الفترة الرئاسية الأولى (1913–17)
After a vacation in Bermuda, Wilson was energized and more aggressive, even combative. He noted the presidency was an office "in which a man must put on his war paint". In Chicago, he addressed the Commercial Club, including some of the most powerful industrial and financial leaders of the Midwest; he emphasized his progressivism and called his audience to account for their malpractices in business affairs.
In his inaugural address Wilson reiterated his agenda for lower tariffs and banking reform, as well as aggressive trust and labor legislation. The Wilsons decided against an inaugural ball and instead gathered with family and friends at the White House. As the first Southerner elected to the presidency since 1848, Wilson inspired celebrations in the capital.
Wilson's demand for private reflection was evident when he immediately announced that office seekers were not permitted to visit the White House. His decision-making style was to use solitude in conjunction with prevailing opinions in making decisions. Wilson's personal staff reflected his preferences; Tumulty's position provided a political buffer and intermediary with the press, and his irrepressible spirits offset the president's often dour disposition. Another close member of Wilson's personal staff was his physician, Navy medical officer Cary T. Grayson. He became familiar with the president's medical history and confirmed his circulatory problem and hardening of the arteries.
Wilson pioneered twice-weekly press conferences in the White House. Though they were modestly effective, the president prohibited his being quoted and was particularly indeterminate in his statements. The first such press conference was on March 15, 1913, when reporters were allowed to ask him questions. In 1913, he became the first president to deliver the State of the Union address in person since 1801, as Thomas Jefferson had discontinued this practice.
The only Democrat besides Grover Cleveland to be elected president since 1856, Wilson recognized his party's need for high-level federal patronage. Wilson worked closely with Southern Democrats. In Wilson's first month in office, Postmaster General Albert S. Burleson brought up the issue of racially segregating workplaces in a cabinet meeting and urged the president to establish this policy across the government, in restrooms, cafeterias and work spaces. Treasury Secretary William G. McAdoo also permitted lower-level officials to racially segregate employees in the workplaces of those departments. By the end of 1913 many departments, including the Navy, had workspaces segregated by screens. Restrooms and cafeterias were also segregated, although no executive order had been issued. Segregation was urged by conservative groups, such as the Fair Play Association.
Wilson defended his administration's segregation policy in a July 1913 letter responding to Oswald Garrison Villard, publisher of the New York Evening Post and founding member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP); Wilson suggested that segregation removed "friction" between the races. Ross Kennedy says that Wilson complied with predominant public opinion, but his change in federal practices was protested in letters from both blacks and whites to the White House, mass meetings, newspaper campaigns and official statements by both black and white church groups. The president's African-American supporters, who had crossed party lines to vote for him, were bitterly disappointed, and they and Northern leaders protested the changes. Wilson continued to defend his policy, as in a letter to "prominent black minister Rev. H.A. Bridgman, editor of the Congregation and Christian World." Heckscher argues that Wilson had promised African Americans to deal generously with racial injustices, but did not deliver on these assurances. Segregation in government offices and discriminatory hiring practices had been institutionalised by President Theodore Roosevelt and continued by President Taft; the Wilson administration continued and escalated these practices.
In an early foreign policy matter, Wilson responded[مطلوب توضيح] to an angry protest by the Japanese government when the state of California proposed legislation that excluded Japanese people from land ownership in the state. Japan's sense of humiliation remained high for decades to come.[مطلوب توضيح]
In implementing economic policy, Wilson had to transcend the sharply opposing policy views of the Southern and agrarian wing of the Democratic Party led by Bryan, and the pro-business Northern wing led by urban political bosses. In his Columbia University lectures of 1907, Wilson had said "the whole art of statesmanship is the art of bringing the several parts of government into effective cooperation for the accomplishment of particular common objects". As he took up the first item of his "New Freedom" agenda—lowering the tariffs—he quite adroitly applied this artistry. With large Democratic majorities in Congress and a healthy economy, Wilson seized the opportunity to achieve his agenda. Wilson also made quick work of realizing his pledges to beef up antitrust regulation and to bring reform to banking and currency matters.
تشريع التعريفة وضريبة الدخل
To facilitate reduction of the tariffs, Wilson garnered unexpected support from a previous rival Oscar Underwood, Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, and Sen. Furnifold M. Simmons, Chairman of the Senate Finance Committee. In May 1913, the Underwood Tariff passed in the House by a vote of 274 to 5; it would take a bit longer passing in the Senate—in September—and was signed by Wilson three weeks later. Its effects were soon overwhelmed by the changes in trade caused by World War I. Wilson mobilized public opinion behind the tariff changes by denouncing corporate lobbyists in an address to Congress, and by staging an elaborate signing ceremony. The revenue lost by the lower tariff was replaced by a new federal income tax, authorized by the 16th Amendment.
نظام الاحتياط الفدرالي
Wilson had not waited for completion of the tariff legislation to proceed with his next item of reform—banking—which he initiated in June 1913. After consulting with Brandeis, Wilson declared the banking system must be "public not private, must be vested in the government itself so that the banks must be the instruments, not the masters, of business." He tried to find a middle ground between conservative Republicans, led by Senator Nelson W. Aldrich, and the powerful left wing of the Democratic party, led by William Jennings Bryan, who strenuously denounced private banks and Wall Street. The latter group wanted a government-owned central bank that could print paper money as Congress required. The compromise, based on the Aldrich Plan but sponsored by Democratic Congressmen Carter Glass and Robert Owen, allowed the private banks to control the 12 regional Federal Reserve Banks, but appeased the agrarians by placing controlling interest in the System in a central board appointed by the president with Senate approval. Moreover, Wilson convinced Bryan's supporters that because Federal Reserve notes were obligations of the government, the plan met their demands for an elastic currency. Having 12 regional banks, with designated geographic districts, was meant to weaken the influence of the powerful New York banks, a key demand of Bryan's allies in the South and West, and was a key factor in winning Glass' support. The Federal Reserve Act passed in December 1913.
Wilson named Paul Warburg and other prominent bankers to direct the new system. While power was supposed to be decentralized, the New York branch dominated the Fed as the "first among equals". The new system began operations in 1915 and played a major role in financing the Allied and American war effort. The strengthening of the Federal Reserve during the Great Depression was later a major accomplishment of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal.
At the end of 1913, summing up the president's efficacy, the Saturday Evening Post magazine stated, "This administration is Woodrow Wilson's and non-other's. He is the top, middle and bottom of it. There is not an atom of divided responsibility... the Democratic Party revolves about him. He is the center of it—the biggest Democrat in the country—the leader and the chief".
مكافحة الاحتكار وإجراءات أخرى
Wilson began pushing for legislation which culminated with the Federal Trade Commission Act signed in September 1914. In doing so, Wilson broke with his predecessors' practice of litigating the antitrust issue in the courts, known as trust-busting; the new Federal Trade Commission provided a new regulatory approach, to encourage competition and reduce perceived unfair trade practices. In addition, he pushed through Congress the Clayton Antitrust Act making certain business practices illegal, such as price discrimination, agreements prohibiting retailers from handling other companies' products, and directorates and agreements to control other companies. The power of this legislation was greater than that of previous anti-trust laws since it dictated accountability of individual corporate officers and clarified guidelines. This law was considered the "Magna Carta" of labor by Samuel Gompers because it ended union liability antitrust laws. In 1916, under threat of a national railroad strike, Wilson approved legislation that increased wages and cut working hours of railroad employees; there was no strike.
In the summer of 1914 Wilson gained repeal of toll exemptions at the Panama Canal for American ships; this was received positively by the international community, as a cessation of past discrimination against foreign commerce. The measure was considered unpatriotic by U.S. business interests and opponents such as Tammany Hall.
With the President reaching out to new constituencies, a series of programs were targeted at farmers. The Smith–Lever Act of 1914 created the modern system of agricultural extension agents sponsored by the state agricultural colleges. The agents taught new techniques to farmers. The 1916 Federal Farm Loan Act provided for issuance of low-cost long-term mortgages to farmers.
Taft had supported the revolution that brought about the election of Francisco I. Madero as president of Mexico. Wilson, who took office shortly after Madero's assassination in 1913, rejected the legitimacy of Huerta's "government of butchers" and demanded Mexico hold democratic elections. Wilson's unprecedented approach meant no recognition and doomed Huerta's prospects. Wilsonian idealism became a reason for American intervention in Latin America until the 1920s and 1930s, when moralistic interventions were abandoned in favor of realism. After Huerta arrested U.S. navy personnel in the port of Tampico Wilson sent his navy to occupy Veracruz. War between the United States and Mexico was averted through negotiations, and in 1916 his reelection campaign for president boasted he had "kept us out of war." Huerta fled Mexico and Carranza came to power.
Though the administration had achieved the desired result, it was a pyrrhic victory, as Carranza's lieutenant, Pancho Villa, presented a more serious threat in 1916. In early 1916 Pancho Villa raided Columbus, an American town in New Mexico, killing eighteen Americans and causing an enormous nationwide demand for his punishment. Wilson ordered Gen. John Pershing and 4000 troops into northern Mexico to capture Villa, which they were unable to do even as Pershing continued his pursuit deep into Mexico. President Carranza then pivoted against the Americans and accused them of a punitive invasion. However tensions subsided and bilateral negotiations began. The issue had become a possible war with Germany so Wilson ended Pershing's diversion into Mexico in February 1917. In January, Germany's foreign minister sent Mexico the Zimmermann Telegram inviting it to join in war against the United States. Washington learned of the Zimmermann proposal on February 23 and détente with Mexico was essential. Wilson accorded Carranza diplomatic recognition in April, after Congress declared war on Germany. Biographer Arthur Link calls it Carranza's victory—his successful handling of the chaos inside Mexico, as well as over Wilson's policies. Mexico was now free to develop its revolution without American pressure. Pershing became a national figure. Wilson selected him to command the American forces being sent to fight in France.
اضراب عمال المناجم، وفاة زوجته وزواجه الثاني
In a 1914 dispute between Colorado miners and their company, a confrontation resulted in the Ludlow Massacre—the deaths of eight strikers, eleven children and two mothers. Part owner John D. Rockefeller, Jr. refused Wilson's offer of mediation, conditioned upon collective bargaining, so Wilson sent in U.S. troops. While Wilson succeeded in bringing order to the situation, and demonstrated support for the labor union, the miners' unconditional surrender to the implacable owners was a defeat for Wilson.
His wife Ellen's failing health, due to kidney failure, worsened in the spring of 1914; after a fall, she was bedridden, then rallied briefly, but Wilson wrote "my dear one… grows weaker and weaker, with a pathetic patience and sweetness." He was at her bedside to the end, which came August 6, when Wilson despairingly said "Oh my God, what am I to do." Wilson later wrote accurately of his mourning and depression, "Of course you know what has happened to me…God has stricken me almost beyond what I can bear". Six months of depression followed for him, though mourning continued. At the same time that Wilson's private world shattered, World War I broke out in Europe, and this momentously changed his political life.
In January 1915, Wilson emerged from his depression during a spirited speech in Indianapolis where he said, "the trouble with the Republican Party is that it has not had a new idea for thirty years… the Republican Party is still a covert and a refuge for those who are afraid, for those who want to consult their grandfathers about everything." Another sign of Wilson's emotional restoration was the aggressiveness with which he pursued passage of a ship-purchase bill to bulk up the inadequately equipped merchant marine. This lasted until March 1915, when he moderated, drew back from the bill and, without its passage, congratulated the Congress for its work in the session just ended—his initial journey through mourning was evident.
In February 1915 Wilson had met Edith Bolling Galt, a southern widow and jeweler. After several meetings, he fell in love, and in May, Wilson proposed. He was rebuffed initially but Wilson was undeterred and the courtship continued. Edith initially did not pursue the furtherance of their physical interaction with the vigor of Wilson, but she gradually warmed to the relationship and they became secretly engaged in the fall of 1915. Many in Wilson's camp had become concerned about the appearance of a premature romance soon after the death of his wife; the engagement was made public in October and they were married on December 18, 1915. Wilson was the third president to marry while in office; after John Tyler in 1844 and Grover Cleveland in 1886.
الأحداث المؤدية إلى دخول الولايات المتحدة في الحرب العالمية الأولى (1914–16)
From 1914 until early 1917, Wilson's primary objective was to keep America out of the war in Europe, and his policy was, "the true spirit of neutrality, which is the spirit of impartiality and fairness and friendliness to all concerned." The president insisted that all government actions be neutral, and that the belligerents must respect that neutrality according to the norms of international law. Wilson told the Senate in August 1914 when the war began that the United States, "must be impartial in thought as well as in action, must put a curb upon our sentiments as well as upon every transaction that might be construed as a preference of one party to the struggle before another." He was ambiguous whether he meant the United States as a nation or meant all Americans as individuals.  Wilson has been accused of violating his own rule of neutrality. Later that month he explained himself privately to his top foreign policy advisor Colonel House, who recalled the episode later:
- I was interested to hear him express as his opinion what I had written him some time ago in one of my letters, to the effect that if Germany won it would change the course of our civilization and make the United States a military nation. He also spoke of his deep regret, as indeed I did to him in that same letter, that it would check his policy for a better international ethical code. He felt deeply the destruction of Louvain [in Belgium], and I found him as unsympathetic with the German attitude as is the balance of America. He goes even further than I in his condemnation of Germany's part in this war, and almost allows his feeling to include the German people as a whole rather than the leaders alone. He said German philosophy was essentially selfish and lacking in spirituality. When I spoke of the Kaiser building up the German machine as a means of maintaining peace, he said, "What a foolish thing it was to create a powder magazine and risk someone's dropping a spark into it!" He thought the war would throw the world back three or four centuries. I did not agree with him. He was particularly scornful of Germany’s disregard of treaty obligations, and was indignant at the German Chancellor’s designation of the Belgian Treaty as being "only a scrap of paper"....But although the personal feeling of the President was with the Allies, he insisted then and for many months after, that this ought not to affect his political attitude, which he intended should be one of strict neutrality. He felt that he owed it to the world to prevent the spreading of the conflagration, that he owed it to the country to save it from the horrors of war.
He made numerous offers to mediate and sent Colonel House on diplomatic missions; both sides politely dismissed these overtures. When Britain declared a blockade of neutral ships carrying contraband goods to Germany, Wilson mildly protested non-lethal British violations of neutral rights; the British knew that it would not be a casus belli for the United States. In early 1915 Germany declared the waters around Great Britain to be a war zone; Wilson dispatched a note of protest, imposing "strict accountability" on Germany for the safety of neutral ships. The meaning of the policy, dubiously applied to specific incidents, evolved with the policy of neutrality, but ultimately formed the substance of U.S. responses over the next two years.
The main crisis came when a German u-boat sank the British ocean liner RMS Lusitania in May 1915. International law required a warning so that passengers and crew could board life boats. No warning was issued and the ship sank in 18 minutes, with a thousand deaths including over 100 Americans. Wilson said, "There is such a thing as a man being too proud to fight. There is such a thing as a nation being so right that it does not need to convince others by force that it is right". Many reacted to these remarks with contempt. Wilson protested to Berlin but its reply was evasive. Secretary of State Bryan, strongly opposed to war, resigned, and was replaced by Robert Lansing. The White Star liner the SS Arabic was then torpedoed, with two American casualties. Wilson threatened a diplomatic break unless Germany repudiated the action; Germany then gave a written promise: "liners will not be sunk by our submarines". Wilson had won a promise that merchant ships would not be sunk without warning; and most importantly he had kept the U.S. out of the war. Meanwhile, Wilson requested and received funds in the final 1916 appropriations bill to provide for 500,000 troops. It also included a five-year Navy plan for major construction of battleships, cruisers, destroyers and submarines—showing Wilson's dedication to a big Navy.
In March 1916 the SS Sussex, an unarmed ferry under the French flag, was torpedoed in the English Channel and four Americans were counted among the dead; the Germans had flouted the post-Lusitania exchanges. The president demanded the Germans reject their submarine tactics. Wilson drew praise when he succeeded in wringing from Germany a pledge to constrain their U-boat warfare to the rules of cruiser warfare. This was a clear departure from existing practices—a diplomatic concession from which Germany could only more brazenly withdraw, and regrettably did.
Wilson made a plea for postwar world peace in May 1916; his speech recited the right of every nation to its sovereignty, territorial integrity and freedom from aggression. "So sincerely do we believe these things", Wilson said, "that I am sure that I speak the mind and wish of the people of America when I say that the United States is willing to become a partner in any feasible association of nations formed in order to realize these objectives". At home the speech was seen as a turning point in policy. In Europe the words were received by the British and the French without comment. His harshest European critics rightly thought the speech reflected indifference on Wilson's part; indeed, Wilson never wavered from a belief that the war was the result of corrupt European power politics.
Wilson made his final offer to mediate peace on December 18, 1916. As a preliminary, he asked both sides to state their minimum terms necessary for future security. The Central Powers replied that victory was certain, and the Allies required the dismemberment of their enemies' empires; no desire for peace existed, and the offer lapsed.
الانتخابات الرئاسية 1916
Wilson's remarriage rejuvenated his personal aspirations for re-election. Edith Wilson enjoyed, as Ellen never had, the crowds and the power as a close collaborator with her husband. Executive decisions just prior to the campaign also enabled Wilson to bolster his political mastery. He was presented with a vacancy on the Supreme Court, which he succeeded in filling with a controversial nominee, Louis Brandeis, the first Jewish member of the court. Also, in the summer of 1916 the nation's economy was endangered by a railroad strike. The president called the parties to a White House summit in August—after two days and no results, Wilson proceeded to settle the issue, using the maximum eight-hour work day as the linchpin. Once the Congress passed the Adamson bill incorporating the president's proposal, the strike was cancelled. Wilson was praised for averting a national economic disaster, though the law was received with howls from conservatives denouncing a sellout to the unions and a surrender by Congress to an imperious president.
In the campaign, McCombs was replaced as chairman of the Democratic Party by Vance C. McCormick, a leading progressive, and Ambassador Henry Morgenthau was recalled from Turkey to manage campaign finances. "Colonel" House played an important role in the campaign. "He planned its structure; set its tone; helped guide its finance; chose speakers, tactics, and strategy; and, not least, handled the campaign's greatest asset and greatest potential liability: its brilliant but temperamental candidate."
Wilson, renominated without opposition, employed his campaign slogan "He kept us out of war", though he never promised unequivocally to stay out of the war. In his acceptance speech on September 2, 1916, Wilson pointedly warned Germany that submarine warfare resulting in American deaths would not be tolerated, saying "The nation that violates these essential rights must expect to be checked and called to account by direct challenge and resistance. It at once makes the quarrel in part our own."
As the Party platform was drafted, Senator Owen of Oklahoma urged Wilson to take ideas from the Progressive Party platform of 1912 "as a means of attaching to our party progressive Republicans who are in sympathy with us in so large a degree." At Wilson's request, Owen highlighted federal legislation to promote workers' health and safety, prohibit child labour, provide unemployment compensation and establish minimum wages and maximum hours. Wilson, in turn, included in his draft platform a plank that called for all work performed by and for the federal government to provide a minimum wage, an eight-hour day and six-day workweek, health and safety measures, the prohibition of child labour, and (his own additions) safeguards for female workers and a retirement program.
Wilson's opponent was Republican Charles Evans Hughes, former governor of New York with a progressive record similar to Wilson's as governor of New Jersey. Theodore Roosevelt commented that the only thing different between Hughes and Wilson was a shave. However, Hughes had to try to hold together a coalition of conservative Taft supporters and progressive Roosevelt partisans, and his campaign never assumed a definite form. Wilson ran on his record and ignored Hughes, reserving his attacks for Roosevelt. When asked why he did not attack Hughes directly, Wilson told a friend, "Never murder a man who is committing suicide."
The election outcome was in doubt for several days and was determined by several close states. Wilson won California by 3,773 of almost a million votes cast, and New Hampshire by 56 votes. Hughes won Minnesota by 393 votes out of over 358,000. In the final count, Wilson had 277 electoral votes vs. Hughes' 254. Wilson was able to win by picking up many votes that had gone to Teddy Roosevelt or Eugene V. Debs in 1912. By the time Hughes' concession telegram arrived, Wilson commented "it was a little moth-eaten when it got here".
In December 1916, a month after his reelection, Wilson (a noted supporter of mother's pensions) addressed a conference on social insurance in which he spoke of how a conference like that gave evidence of "the dominant interest of our own time, and one of the best elements of social insurance is social understanding – an interchange of views and a comprehension of interests which for a long time was only too rare."
الفترة الرئاسية الثانية (1917–1921)
الدخول في الحرب العالمية الأولى
Wilson objected to Britain's seizure of mail from neutral ships and its blacklisting of firms that did any business with Germany. Wilson insisted a league of nations was the solution to ending the war. Wilson found it increasingly difficult to maintain neutrality, after Germany rescinded earlier promises – the Arabic pledge and the Sussex pledge. Early in 1917 the German ambassador Johann von Bernstorf informed the U.S. of Germany's commitment to unrestricted submarine warfare. Then came the revelation of the Zimmermann Telegram, in which Germany attempted to enlist Mexico as a fighting ally. Wilson's reaction after consulting the cabinet and the Congress was a minimal one – that diplomatic relations with the Germans be brought to a halt. The president said, "We are the sincere friends of the German people and earnestly desire to remain at peace with them. We shall not believe they are hostile to us unless or until we are obliged to believe it". In March 1917 several American ships were sunk by Germany; the cabinet was unanimously in favor of war.
Wilson delivered his War Message to a special session of Congress on April 2, 1917, declaring that Germany's latest pronouncement had rendered his "armed neutrality" policy untenable and asking Congress to declare Germany's war stance was an act of war. He proposed the United States enter the war to "vindicate principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power". The German government, Wilson said, "means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors". He then also warned that "if there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with a firm hand of repression." Wilson closed with:
Our object...is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power....We are glad...to fight...for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the right of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy....We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make.
The declaration of war by the United States against Germany passed Congress by strong bipartisan majorities on April 4, 1917, with opposition from ethnic German strongholds and remote rural areas in the South. Wilson refused to make a formal alliance with Britain or France but operated as an "associated" power—an informal ally with military cooperation through the Supreme War Council in London. The U.S. raised a massive army through conscription and Wilson gave command to Pershing, with complete authority as to tactics, strategy and some diplomacy. Colonel House was Wilson's main channel of communication with the British government.
March 1917 also brought the first of two revolutions in Russia, which impacted the strategic role of the U.S. in the war. The overthrow of the imperial government removed a serious barrier to America's entry into the European conflict, while the second revolution in November relieved the Germans of a major threat on their eastern front, and allowed them to dedicate more troops to the Western front, thus making U.S. forces central to Allied success in battles of 1918. Wilson initially rebuffed pleas from the Allies to dedicate military resources to an intervention in Russia against the Bolsheviks, based partially on his experience from attempted intervention in Mexico; nevertheless he ultimately was convinced of the potential benefit and agreed to dispatch a limited force to assist the Allies on the eastern front.
The Germans launched an offensive at Arras which prompted an accelerated deployment of troops by Wilson to the Western front—by August 1918 a million American troops had reached France. The Allies initiated a counter offensive at Somme and by August the Germans had lost the military initiative and an Allied victory was in sight. In October came a message from the new German Chancellor Prince Max of Baden to Wilson requesting a general armistice. In the exchange of notes with Germany they agreed the Fourteen Points in principle be incorporated in the armistice; House then procured agreement from France and Britain, but only after threatening to conclude a unilateral armistice without them. Wilson ignored Gen. Pershing's plea to drop the armistice and instead demand an unconditional surrender by Germany.
The War Industries Board, headed by Bernard Baruch, was established to set U.S. war manufacturing policies and goals; future President Herbert Hoover led the Food Administration, to conserve food; the Federal Fuel Administration, run by Henry Garfield, introduced daylight saving time and rationed fuel supplies; William McAdoo was in charge of war bond efforts and Vance McCormick headed the War Trade Board. All of the above, known collectively as the "war cabinet", met weekly with Wilson at the White House. These and other bodies were headed by businessmen recruited by Wilson for a-dollar-a-day salary to make the government more efficient in the war effort.
More favorable treatment was extended to those unions that supported the U.S. war effort, such as the American Federation of Labor (AFL). Wilson worked closely with Samuel Gompers and the AFL, the railroad brotherhoods, and other 'moderate' unions, which saw enormous growth in membership and wages during Wilson's administration. In the absence of rationing consumer prices soared; income taxes also increased and workers suffered. Despite this, appeals to buy war bonds were highly successful. The purchase of wartime bonds had the result of shifting the cost of the war to the taxpayers of the affluent 1920s.
Antiwar groups, anarchists, communists, Industrial Workers of the World members, and other antiwar groups attempting to sabotage the war effort were targeted by the Department of Justice; many of their leaders were arrested for incitement to violence, espionage, or sedition. Wilson also established the first western propaganda office, the United States Committee on Public Information, headed by George Creel, the "Creel Commission", which circulated patriotic anti-German appeals and conducted censorship of materials considered seditious. To further counter disloyalty to the war effort at home, Wilson pushed through Congress the Espionage Act of 1917 and the Sedition Act of 1918 to suppress anti-British, pro-German, or anti-war statements. While he welcomed socialists who supported the war, he pushed at the same time to arrest and deport foreign-born enemies. Many recent immigrants, resident aliens without U.S. citizenship, who opposed America's participation in the war were deported to Soviet Russia or other nations under the powers granted in the Immigration Act of 1918.
In an effort at reform and to shake up his Mobilization program, Wilson removed the chief of the Army Signal Corps and the chairman of the Aircraft Production Board on April 18, 1918. On May 16, the President launched an investigation, headed by Republican Charles Evans Hughes, into the War Department and the Council of Defense. The Hughes report released on October 31 found no major corruption violations or theft in Wilson's Mobilization program, although the report found incompetence in the aircraft program.
With congressional elections approaching, in 1918 Wilson made an appeal to the public for the retention of a Democratic majority and this seriously backfired due to its self-serving tone–Republicans successfully picked up majorities in both houses of Congress.
النقاط الأربعة عشر
Wilson initiated a secret series of studies named The Inquiry, primarily focused on Europe, and carried out by a group in New York which included geographers, historians and political scientists; the group was directed by Col. House. The studies culminated in a speech by Wilson to Congress on January 8, 1918, wherein he articulated America's long term war objectives. It was the clearest expression of intention made by any of the belligerent nations. The speech, known as the Fourteen Points, was authored mainly by Walter Lippmann and projected Wilson's progressive domestic policies into the international arena. The first six dealt with diplomacy, freedom of the seas and settlement of colonial claims. Then territorial issues were addressed and the final point, the establishment of an association of nations to guarantee the independence and territorial integrity of all nations—a League of Nations. The address was translated into many languages for global dissemination.
مؤتمر السلام 1919
When the time came, Wilson spent six months in Paris for the Peace Conference, thereby becoming the first U.S. president to travel to Europe while in office. He disembarked from the George Washington in Brest on December 13. While in Italy (January 1–6, 1919) for meetings with King Victor Emmanuel III and Prime Minister Vittorio Orlando, he became the first incumbent U.S. president to have an audience with a reigning pope, when he visited Pope Benedict XV at the Apostolic Palace.
Wilson took a break from the negotiations and departed February 14, 1919 for home, then returned to Paris three weeks later and remained until the conclusion of a treaty in June. Heckscher describes Wilson, during the first four weeks of the Conference as, "playing, with force and discretion, a commanding role…he established his priorities, secured accommodation on major issues and won preliminary acceptance of the League." He promoted his plan in France, and then at home in February. Wilson gave a speech at the Metropolitan Opera House in defense of the League—he was more insistent about it than ever. Heckscher contends that the enduring image of Wilson as a grim, unsmiling and unforgiving figure dates from this visit home during the conference. While the general public along with editorial writers, churches and peace groups generally favored the League, the Republicans vowed to defeat the League and discredit Wilson. Wilson notably did not address the Congress as to ongoing deliberations at the peace conference, as indeed his counterpart Lloyd George did with Parliament. Heckscher opines that this was a missed opportunity to forge the debate even though the Congressional majority had changed. In France he was without the usual control over his message through the media; in fact, the French initiated an aggressive propaganda campaign in the midst of the Conference to affect its outcome.
After his visit home, and while en route back to France, Wilson suffered an illness; the ensuing months brought a decline in health and in power and prestige. On arrival, it was immediately clear the conference had struggled in his absence—Col. House had compromised Wilson's prior gains, and Wilson set out to attempt to regain the lost ground. During these "dark days" of the conference Taft cabled to Wilson three proposed amendments to the League covenant which he thought would considerably increase its acceptability to the Europeans—the right of withdrawal from the League, the exemption of domestic issues from the League and the inviolability of the Monroe Doctrine. Wilson very reluctantly accepted these amendments, explaining why he later was more inflexible in the Senate treaty negotiations. On April 3 Wilson fell violently ill during a conference meeting, in a narrow escape from influenza. Though his symptoms receded within a couple of days, those around him noticed a distinct, lasting deterioration.
The charter of the proposed League of Nations was incorporated into the conference's Treaty of Versailles. Japan proposed that the Covenant include a racial equality clause. Wilson was indifferent to the issue, but acceded to strong opposition from Australia and Britain. After the conference, Wilson said "at last the world knows America as the savior of the world!"
For his peace-making efforts, Wilson was awarded the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize. Economist John Maynard Keynes, an anti-Wilson and anti-League intellectual, asserted Wilson was not well regarded at the Conference, "he was in many respects...ill-informed as to European conditions...his mind was slow and unadaptable...There can seldom have been a statesman of the first rank more incompetent than the President in the agilities of the council chamber." Keynes' highly regarded rhetoric became the prevailing judgment of the conference for decades.
القتال على المعاهدة، 1919
The chances were less than favorable for ratification of the treaty by a two-thirds vote of the Republican Senate. Public opinion was mixed, with intense opposition from most Republicans, Germans, and Irish Catholic Democrats. In numerous meetings with Senators, Wilson discovered opposition had hardened. Despite his weakened physical condition Wilson decided to barnstorm the Western states, scheduling 29 major speeches and many short ones to rally support.
Wilson had earlier downplayed Germany's guilt in starting the war by calling for "peace without victory", but he had taken an increasingly hard stand at Paris and rejected advice to soften the treaty's treatment of Germany. In a reversal of his earlier position, in summer 1919 Wilson repeatedly stressed Germany's guilt, saying the treaty, "seeks to punish one of the greatest wrongs ever done in history, the wrong which Germany sought to do to the world and to civilization; and there ought to be no weak purpose with regard to the application of the punishment. She attempted an intolerable thing, and she must be made to pay for the attempt."
Wilson had a series of debilitating strokes and had to cut short his trip on September 26, 1919. He became an invalid in the White House, closely monitored by his wife, who insulated him from negative news and downplayed for him the gravity of his condition. Senator Lodge led the opposition to the treaty in the Republican controlled Senate; the key point of disagreement was whether the League would diminish the power of Congress to declare war.
It proved possible to build a majority for the treaty in the Senate, but the two-thirds coalition needed to ratify was insurmountable. One block of Democrats strongly supported the Versailles Treaty; a second group supported the Treaty but followed Wilson in opposing any amendments or reservations. The largest bloc—Lodge and the Republicans—wanted a treaty with reservations, especially on Article X, which empowered the League of Nations to make war without a vote by the United States Congress. Finally, a bipartisan group of 13 "irreconcilables" opposed a treaty in any form. In mid-November 1919 Lodge and his Republicans formed a coalition with the pro-Treaty Democrats, and were close to a two-thirds majority for a Treaty with reservations; but the seriously indisposed Wilson rejected this compromise and enough Democrats followed his lead to defeat ratification. Cooper and Bailey suggest that Wilson's stroke in September had debilitated him from negotiating effectively with Lodge.
بعد الحرب: 1919–1920
Wilson's administration did effectively demobilize the country at the war's end. A plan to form a commission for the purpose was abandoned in the face of Republican control the Senate, which complicated the appointment of commission members. Instead, Wilson favored the prompt dismantling of wartime boards and regulatory agencies. Demobilization was chaotic and violent; four million soldiers were sent home with little planning, little money, few benefits, and other vague promises. A wartime bubble in prices of farmland burst, leaving many farmers deeply in debt after they purchased new land. There were social tensions as veterans tried to find jobs, and existing workers struggled to protect theirs, as well as to gain better wages and conditions. Major strikes in the steel, coal, and meatpacking industries disrupted the economy in 1919. These conditions were catalysts for outbreaks of racial animosity that erupted in serious race riots of ethnic whites against blacks in Chicago, Omaha, and two dozen other major cities in the North; it was called the Red Summer of 1919.
As the election of 1920 approached, Wilson momentarily imagined that a deadlocked Democratic convention might nominate him for a third term with a campaign focused on the League of Nations. No one around the President adequately clarified for him that he was too incapacitated, had insufficient support, and that the League defeat was irreversible. In retirement, Wilson harbored hopes for a White House run in 1924 despite the absence of substantial support.
علاقات خارجية أخرى
Wilson frequently intervened in Latin American affairs, saying in 1913: "I am going to teach the South American republics to elect good men." These interventions included Mexico in 1914, Haiti in 1915, the Dominican Republic in 1916, Cuba in 1917, and Panama in 1918. The U.S. maintained troops in Nicaragua throughout the Wilson administration and used them to select the president of Nicaragua and then to force Nicaragua to pass the Bryan-Chamorro Treaty. Additionally, American troops in Haiti – under the command of the federal government – forced the Haitian legislature to elect as president a pro-Western candidate who was favored by Wilson though less popular among the Haitian citizenry. Wilson ordered the military occupation of the Dominican Republic shortly after the resignation of its President Juan Isidro Jimenes Pereyra in 1916. The U.S. military worked in concert with wealthy Dominican landowners to suppress the gavilleros, a campesino guerrilla force fighting the occupation. The occupation lasted until 1924, and was notorious for its brutality against those in the resistance. Wilson also negotiated a treaty with Colombia in which the U.S. apologized for its role in the Panama Revolution of 1903–1904.
بعد أن تركت روسيا الحرب العالمية الأولى إثر الثورة البلشڤية في 1917، أرسل الحلفاء قوات لمنع استيلاء الألمان أو البلشڤيك على الأسلحة والذخائر والعتاد الذي أمدّه الحلفاء إلى حكومة ما قبل الثورة. وقد أرسل ولسون قوات مسلحة لمساعدة انسحاب الفيالق التشيكوسلوڤاكية على طول سكة الحديد عبر سيبريا، وللاحتفاظ بمدن الموانئ الرئيسية في أرخانگلسك و ڤلاديڤوستوك. وبالرغم من التعليمات المباشرة بألا يشتبكوا مع البلشڤيك، فإن القوات الأمريكية اشتبكت في عدد من النزاعات المسلحة ضد قوات تابعة للحكومة الروسية. رفض الثوريون في روسيا التدخل الأمريكي. وقد كتب روبرت مادوكس، "الأثر الفوري للتدخل كان إطالة حرب أهلية دموية، مما كلف ازهاق آلافاً إضافية من الأرواح وإطلاق تدمير هائل في مجتمع كان مثخناً بالفعل." وقد سحب ولسون معظم الجنود في 1 أبريل 1920، بالرغم من أن البعض بقي حتى 1922.
وفي مايو 1920، أرسل ولسون مقترح طال تأخيره إلى الكونگرس يقضي بأن تقبل الولايات المتحدة انتداباً من عصبة الأمم على أرمنيا. ويلاحظ بيلي أن المقترح كان غير مقبول في الرأي العام الأمريكي، بينما يذكر رتشارد هوڤانسيان أن ولسون "قدّم كل الذرائع الخاطئة" للانتداب وركز بشكل أقل على السياسة الفورية بدلاً من كيف سيكون حكم التاريخ على أفعاله: "تمنى [ولسون] أن يسجل بوضوح أن التخلي عن أرمنيا لم يكن من صنع يديه." لم يوافق على المقترح سوى 23 سناتور.
عدم القدرة الطبية على الاستمرار في الرئاسة
السبب المباشر للانهيار الصحي للرئيس ولسون في سبتمبر 1919 was the physical strain of the public speaking tour he undertook in support of ratification of the Treaty of Versailles. In Pueblo, Colorado, on September 25, 1919, he collapsed and never fully recovered.
On October 2, 1919, he suffered a serious stroke, leaving him paralyzed on his left side, along with blindness in his left eye and with only partial vision in the right eye. He was confined to bed for several weeks and sequestered from everyone except his wife and physician, Dr. Cary Grayson. For some months, Wilson used a wheelchair and later he required use of a cane. His wife and aide Joe Tumulty were said to have helped a journalist, Louis Seibold, present a false account of an interview with the President.
He was insulated by his wife, who selected matters for his attention and delegated others to his cabinet. Wilson temporarily resumed a perfunctory attendance at cabinet meetings. By February 1920, the President's true condition was publicly known. At issue was Wilson's fitness for the presidency at a time when the League fight was reaching a climax, and domestic issues such as strikes, unemployment, inflation and the threat of Communism were ablaze. No one close to him, including his wife, his physician, or personal assistant, was willing to admit he was unable to perform the duties of the presidency. Because of this complex case, and the subsequent realization of the difficulties that might have been experienced in the nuclear age if, instead of being assassinated in 1963, John F. Kennedy had been left in a permanent vegetative state on account of his brain injuries, the 25th Amendment was ratified in 1967 to allow the voluntary or forcible replacement of an unable or unwilling incumbent.
Prohibition developed as an unstoppable reform during the war, but Wilson played a minor role in its passage. A combination of the temperance movement, hatred of everything German (including beer and saloons), and activism by churches and women led to ratification of an amendment to achieve Prohibition in the United States. A Constitutional amendment passed both houses in December 1917 by 2/3 votes. By January 16, 1919, the Eighteenth Amendment had been ratified by 36 of the 48 states it needed. On October 28, 1919, Congress passed enabling legislation, the National Prohibition Act (informally known as the Volstead Act), to enforce the Eighteenth Amendment. Wilson felt Prohibition was unenforceable, but his veto of the Volstead Act was overridden by Congress. Prohibition began on January 16, 1920 (one year after ratification of the amendment); the manufacture, importation, sale, and transport of alcohol were prohibited, except for limited cases such as religious purposes (as with sacramental wine). But, the consumption of alcohol was never prohibited, and individuals could maintain a private stock that existed before Prohibition went into effect. Wilson moved his private supply of alcoholic beverages to the wine cellar of his Washington residence after his term of office ended.
Wilson's position that nationwide Prohibition was unenforceable came to pass as a black market quickly developed to evade restrictions, and considerable liquor was both manufactured and smuggled into the country. Speakeasies thrived in cities, towns and rural areas.
حق المرأة في الانتخاب
Wilson favored women's suffrage at the state level, but held off support for a nationwide constitutional amendment because his party was sharply divided. The white South was the main center of opposition--only Arkansas gave women voting rights. From 1917 to 1919, a highly visible campaign by the National Woman's Party (NWP) disparaged Wilson and his party for not enacting any amendment on the matter. Wilson did keep in close touch with the much larger and more moderate suffragists of the National American Woman Suffrage Association. He continued to hold off until he was sure the Democratic Party in the North was supportive; the 1917 referendum in New York State in favor of suffrage proved decisive for him and he now came out strongly in support of national suffrage in a January 1918 speech to Congress. Applauding the vitality of women during the First World War, he asked Congress, "We have made partners of the women in this war… Shall we admit them only to a partnership of suffering and sacrifice and toil and not to a partnership of privilege and right?" The House passed a constitutional amendment, but it stalled in the Senate. Wilson continued to speak in its defense, consulting with members of Congress through personal and written appeals, often on his own initiative. Then on June 4, 1919, the proposed amendment prohibiting the states and the federal government from denying the right to vote to citizens of the United States on the basis of sex, was approved, and submitted it to the state legislatures for ratification. It was ratified by the requisite 36 states thanks to Tennessee, and on August 18, 1920, the measure became the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution.
الكساد الاقتصادي بعد الحرب
According to historian Adam Tooze, Wilson's presidency came to a calamitous end[صفحة مطلوبة] with an economic depression. Christina Romer that wrote that data from the NBER (National Bureau of Economic Research) shows that the depression lasted 18 months.
Wilson's chief of staff ("Secretary") was Joseph Patrick Tumulty from 1913 to 1921, but he was largely upstaged after 1916 when Wilson's second wife, Edith Bolling Galt Wilson, assumed full control of Wilson's schedule. The most important foreign policy advisor and confidant was "Colonel" Edward M. House until Wilson broke with him in early 1919, for his missteps at the peace conference in Wilson's absence.
|الرئيس||Woodrow Wilson||1913 – 1921|
|نائب الرئيس||Thomas R. Marshall||1913 – 1921|
|وزير الخارجية||William J. Bryan||1913 – 1915|
|Robert Lansing||1915 – 1920|
|Bainbridge Colby||1920 – 1921|
|وزير الخزانة||William G. McAdoo||1913 – 1918|
|Carter Glass||1918 – 1920|
|David F. Houston||1920 – 1921|
|وزير الحربية||Lindley M. Garrison||1913 – 1916|
|Newton D. Baker||1916 – 1921|
|المدعي العام||James C. McReynolds||1913 – 1914|
|Thomas W. Gregory||1914 – 1919|
|A. Mitchell Palmer||1919 – 1921|
|المدير العام لمصلحة البريد||Albert S. Burleson||1913 – 1921|
|وزير البحرية||Josephus Daniels||1913 – 1921|
|وزير الداخلية||Franklin K. Lane||1913 – 1920|
|John B. Payne||1920 – 1921|
|وزير الزراعة||David F. Houston||1913 – 1920|
|Edwin T. Meredith||1920 – 1921|
|وزير التجارة||William C. Redfield||1913 – 1919|
|Joshua W. Alexander||1919 – 1921|
|وزير العمل||William B. Wilson||1913 – 1921|
Wilson appointed three Associate Justices to the Supreme Court of the United States:
- James Clark McReynolds in 1914. A conservative, he served more than 26 years and opposed the New Deal.
- Louis Dembitz Brandeis in 1916. A liberal, and the first Jew appointed to the Court, he served 22 years and wrote landmark opinions on free speech and right to privacy.
- John Hessin Clarke in 1916. He served just 6 years on the Court before resigning. He thoroughly disliked his work as an Associate Justice.
Collection of video clips of the president
("الأب الأبيض العظيم، الآن، يسميكم أشقاؤه")، خطاب ألقي في 1913
هل لديك مشكلة في تشغيل هذا الملف؟ انظر مساعدة الوسائط.
- نقاط ولسون الأربعة عشر
- United States presidential election, 1912
- United States presidential election, 1916
- History of the United States (1865–1918)
- History of the United States (1918–1945)
- الحرب العالمية الأولى
- Racial equality proposal
- مكتبة وودرو ولسون الرئاسية
- The Woodrow Wilson House (Washington, D.C.)
- The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
- Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton, New Jersey
- USS Woodrow Wilson (SSBN-624)
- ^ Heckscher, p. 110.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 230
- ^ Heckscher, p. 231
- ^ Heckscher, p. 265-67.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 274.
- ^ أ ب William Keylor, "The long-forgotten racial attitudes and policies of Woodrow Wilson", March 4, 2013, Professor Voices, Boston University, accessed March 10, 2016
- ^ Heckscher, p. 276.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 277.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 278–280.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 283–284.
- ^ Rouse, Robert (March 15, 2006). "Happy Anniversary to the first scheduled presidential press conference – 93 years young!". American Chronicle. Archived from the original on September 13, 2008.
- ^ Arthur S. Link, "Woodrow Wilson: The American as Southerner", Journal of Southern History, Vol. 36, No. 1 (1970), pp. 3–17 in JSTOR
- ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح خ Kathleen L. Wolgemuth, "Woodrow Wilson and Federal Segregation", The Journal of Negro History Vol. 44, No. 2 (Apr. 1959), pp. 158-173, accessed March 10, 2016
- ^ Kennedy, Ross A. (2013). A Companion to Woodrow Wilson. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 171–74. ISBN 9781118445402.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 291–292.
- ^ August Meier and Elliott Rudwick. "The Rise of Segregation in the Federal Bureaucracy, 1900–1930." Phylon (1960) 28.2 (1967): 178-184. in JSTOR
- ^ Herbert P. Le Pore, "Prelude to Prejudice: Hiram Johnson, Woodrow Wilson, and the California Alien Land Law Controversy of 1913." Southern California Quarterly 61.1 (1979): 99-110. in JSTOR
- ^ Link (1954) pp. 84–87
- ^ أ ب Heckscher, p. 304.
- ^ Link (1972)
- ^ Clements, Presidency ch. 3
- ^ Dewey W. Grantham, "Southern congressional leaders and the new freedom, 1913–1917." Journal of Southern History 13#4 (1947): 439-459.
- ^ Arthur S. Link, '"Wilson: The New Freedom (1956) pp. 177–98
- ^ Vincent W. Howard, "Woodrow Wilson, The Press, and Presidential Leadership: Another Look at the Passage of the Underwood Tariff, 1913," CR: The Centennial Review, (1980)24#2 pp. 167–184
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 316-17.
- ^ Link (1954) pp. 43–53
- ^ Clements, Presidency, pp. 40–44.
- ^ Keleher, Robert (March 1997). "The Importance of the Federal Reserve". Joint Economic Committee. U.S. House of Representatives. Archived from the original on February 28, 2008.
- ^ Link, Wilson: The New Freedom (1956) pp. 199–240
- ^ Cooper, John Milton. "Woodrow Wilson: A Biography". p. 195
- ^ Heckscher, p. 321.
- ^ Ramírez, Carlos D.; Eigen-Zucchi, Christian (2001). "Understanding the Clayton Act of 1914: An Analysis of the Interest Group Hypothesis". Public Choice. 106 (1–2): 157–181. doi:10.1023/A:1005201409149.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 325–326.
- ^ Clements, Presidency, ch 4.
- ^ H.D. Hindman Child labor: an American history (2002)
- ^ Peter V. N. Henderson, "Woodrow Wilson, Victoriano Huerta, and the Recognition Issue in Mexico," The Americas (1984) 41#2 pp. 151-176 in JSTOR
- ^ Cooper (2009) 320-23
- ^ Link Wilson 4: 194–221, 280–318. Link Wilson 5:51–54, 328–39
- ^ Heckscher, p. 330.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 333–335.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 345.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 347.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 348–350.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 352–353.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 350, 356.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 339.
- ^ Arthur S. Link (1960). Wilson, Volume III: The Struggle for Neutrality, 1914-1915. p. 66. ISBN 9781400875832.
- ^ E. M. House, Intimate Papers of Colonel House, Vol. 1 ̃1912-1915 edited by Charles Seymour, (1926) vol 1 p 299, dated August 30, 1914
- ^ Clements, Presidency, ch. 7.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 361.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 363, 365.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 366–369..
- ^ Heckscher, p. 378.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 384–385
- ^ Heckscher, p. 387.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 392.
- ^ Cooper, Woodrow Wilson (2009) pp. 362–76
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 393–394.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 396–397.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 409.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 397.
- ^ Godfrey Hodgson (2006). Woodrow Wilson's Right Hand: The Life of Colonel Edward M. House. Yale University Press. p. 126. ISBN 0300092695.
- ^ "Woodrow Wilson: Speech of Acceptance". Presidency.ucsb.edu. September 2, 1916. Retrieved September 11, 2010.
- ^ Cooper, John Milton Jr. Woodrow Wilson p 335
- ^ The American Presidency Project Wilson quote
- ^ William M. Leary, Jr. 'Woodrow Wilson, Irish Americans, and the Election of 1916', The Journal of American History, Vol. 54, No. 1. (June 1967), pp. 57–72. in JSTOR
- ^ Heckscher, p. 415.
- ^ "St. Petersburg Daily Times – Google News Archive Search". google.com.
- ^ Proceedings of the Conference on Social Insurance. 1917.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 401–403, 430.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 427.
- ^ Thomas Boghardt, The Zimmermann telegram: intelligence, diplomacy, and America's entry into World War I (2012).
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 428–429
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 436–437
- ^ For detailed coverage of the speech see NY Times main headline, April 2, 1917, President Calls for War Declaration, Stronger Navy, New Army of 500,000 Men, Full Cooperation With Germany's Foes
- ^ أ ب Cooper, John Milton, Reconsidering Woodrow Wilson: Progressivism, Internationalism, War, and Peace, Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, ISBN 978-0-8018-9074-1 (2008), p. 190
- ^ See "World War I" Digital History
- ^ David F. Trask, The United States in the Supreme War Council: American War Aims and Inter-Allied Strategy, 1917–1918 (1961).
- ^ Edward M. Coffman, The War to End All Wars (1968) ch. 3
- ^ Georg Schild, review of Carl J. Richard "When the United States Invaded Russia: Woodrow Wilson's Siberian Disaster." Journal of American History 100.3 (2013): 864–864.online
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 479–88.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 469.
- ^ أ ب Clements, Presidency ch 8
- ^ Spencer C. Tucker (2014). World War I: The Definitive Encyclopedia and Document Collection. ABC-CLIO. p. 85. ISBN 9781851099658.
- ^ أ ب ت Avrich, Paul, Sacco and Vanzetti: The Anarchist Background, Princeton: Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-02604-1, ISBN 978-0-691-02604-6 (1991), pp. 93–94, 124, 127, 130–133
- ^ أ ب Cooper, John Milton, Reconsidering Woodrow Wilson: Progressivism, Internationalism, War, and Peace, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, ISBN 978-0-8018-9074-1 (2008), pp. 201, 209
- ^ "Records of the Committee on Public Information". archives.gov. May 19, 2015.
- ^ Murray, Robert K., Red Scare: A Study in National Hysteria, 1919–1920 (1955), pp. 250–251
- ^ Leuchtenburg (1974), pp. 255–256
- ^ Leuchtenburg (1974), pp. 256–257; U.S. Department of Justice (1918), Report on the Aircraft Inquiry, Washington D.C.; Pusey, Hughes, I, pp. 378–382
- ^ Robert P. Saldin (2010). War, the American State, and Politics since 1898. Cambridge UP. pp. 84–85. ISBN 9781139491877.
- ^ Seward W. Livermore, "The Sectional Issue in the 1918 Congressional Elections." Mississippi Valley Historical Review 35#1 (1948): 29–60. in JSTOR
- ^ Heckscher, p. 470.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 471.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 458.
- ^ "Travels of President Woodrow Wilson". U.S. Department of State Office of the Historian.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 500
- ^ Heckscher, p. 536.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 538.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 539.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 541.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 544–545.
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 551–553.
- ^ Heckscher, p. 555.
- ^ Arnold M. Rice, John A. Krout, United States History From 1865, (HarperCollins, 1991), p. 180.
- ^ Naoko Shimazu (1998). Japan, Race, and Equality: The Racial Equality Proposal of 1919. NY: Routledge. pp. 154ff. ISBN 9780415497350.
- ^ President Woodrow Wilson speaking on the League of Nations to a luncheon audience in Portland OR. 66th Cong., 1st sess. Senate Documents: Addresses of President Wilson (May–November 1919), vol.11, no. 120, p. 206.
- ^ "Woodrow Wilson bio sketch". Nobel Media AB 2014.
- ^ John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace (London: MacMillan, 1923),available online
- ^ Heckscher, p. 589.
- ^ A. Scott Berg, Wilson (2013), pp. 619–34
- ^ Marc Trachtenberg, "Versailles after Sixty Years," Journal of Contemporary History (1982) 17#3 pp. 487–506 esp p. 490 in JSTOR
- ^ Marc Trachtenberg (2012). The Cold War and After: History, Theory, and the Logic of International Politics. Princeton University Press. p. 17. ISBN 1400842492.
- ^ Berg, Wilson, pp. 635–43
- ^ Thomas A. Bailey, Woodrow Wilson and the Great Betrayal (1945)
- ^ Ralph A. Stone (1970). The Irreconcilables: The Fight Against the League of Nations. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky.
- ^ Cooper, Woodrow Wilson, 544, 557–560; Bailey calls Wilson's rejection, "The Supreme Infanticide," Woodrow Wilson and the Great Betrayal (1945) p. 271.
- ^ David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (2004) pp. 249–50
- ^ Leonard Williams Levy and Louis Fisher, eds. Encyclopedia of the American Presidency (1994) p. 494.
- ^ Walter C. Rucker; James N. Upton (2007). Encyclopedia of American Race Riots. Greenwood. p. 310. ISBN 9780313333019.
- ^ David Pietrusza, 1920: The Year of the Six Presidents (NY: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2007), 191–2, 198–200, 253
- ^ Robert M. Saunders (1998). In Search of Woodrow Wilson: Beliefs and Behavior. Greenwood. pp. 261–2. ISBN 9780313305207.
- ^ Paul Horgan, Great River: the Rio Grande in North American History (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1984), 913
- ^ Clements, Presidency 103–6
- ^ "U.S. Invasion and Occupation of Haiti, 1915-34". United States Department of the State. Retrieved January 14, 2016.
- ^ Brown, Isabel Zakrzewski (1999). "Culture and Customs of the Dominican Republic". Greenwood Press.
- ^ Cooper, Woodrow Wilson (2009), 381
- ^ George F. Kennan, Russia Leaves the War, p. 472, et passim. 1956, repr. 1989, ISBN 0-691-00841-8.
- ^ Robert J. Maddox, The Unknown War with Russia (San Rafael, CA: Presidio Press, 1977), 137.
- ^ Walworth (1986) 473–83, esp. p. 481; Melvin I. Urofsky, American Zionism from Herzl to the Holocaust, (1995) ch. 6; Frank W. Brecher, Reluctant Ally: United States Foreign Policy toward the Jews from Wilson to Roosevelt. (1991) ch 1–4.
- ^ Peter Balakian (2003). The Burning Tigris: The Armenian Genocide and America's Response. New York: HarperCollins.
- ^ Bailey, Woodrow Wilson and the Great Betrayal (1945) pp. 295–96.
- ^ Hovannisian, Richard G. (1996). The Republic of Armenia, Vol. IV: Between Crescent and Sickle, Partition and Sovietization. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 10–24. ISBN 0-520-08804-2.
- ^ In 1906 Wilson first exhibited arterial hypertension, mainly untreatable at the time. Timeline for Hypertension Treatment History, accessed September 14, 2009. During his presidency, he had repeated episodes of unexplained arm and hand weakness, and his retinal arteries were said to be abnormal on fundoscopic examination.The Health & Medical History of President Woodrow Wilson, Doctor Zebra website, accessed November 9, 2009. He developed severe headaches, diplopia (double vision), and evanescent weakness of the left arm and leg. In retrospect, physicians have said that those problems likely represented the effects of cerebral transient ischemic attacks. Weinstein EA, Woodrow Wilson: A Medical & Psychological Biography (Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 1981), pp. 260–270
- ^ Heckscher, pp. 615–622.
- ^ C.T. Grayson, Woodrow Wilson: An Intimate Memoir. NY: Holt, Rhinehart, & Winston, 1960. pp. 96–110
- ^ Pietrusza, David (2008). 1920: The Year of the Six Presidents. Basic Books. p. 191. ISBN 978-0-7867-1622-7.
- ^ Herbert Hoover, The Ordeal of Woodrow Wilson. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1958. pp. 271–278
- ^ Cooper, Wilson p. 555
- ^ Birch Bayh, One Heartbeat Away: Presidential Disability (New York: BobbsMerrill, 1968).
- ^ John R. Vile (2015). Encyclopedia of Constitutional Amendments, Proposed Amendments, and Amending Issues, 1789–2015, 4th Edition. ABC-CLIO. p. 156. ISBN 9781610699327.
- ^ See http://history.house.gov/Historical-Highlights/1901-1950/The-Volstead-Act/ website
- ^ "The President Woodrow Wilson House - The President Woodrow Wilson House".
- ^ House, Woodrow Wilson (October 27, 2013). "The President Woodrow Wilson House Blog: From President Wilson's Daybook: October 27, 1919".
- ^ House, Woodrow Wilson (February 7, 2014). "The President Woodrow Wilson House Blog: Would Wilson Condone Speakeasies?".
- ^ Garrett Peck (2011). Prohibition in Washington, D.C.: How Dry We Weren't. Charleston, SC: The History Press. pp. 42–45. ISBN 978-1-60949-236-6.
- ^ أ ب قالب:Cit web
- ^ أ ب Christine A. Lunardini and Thomas J. Knock, "Woodrow Wilson and woman suffrage: A new look", Political Science Quarterly (1980) pp. 655–671. قالب:JSTOR.
- ^ Huckabee, David C. (September 30, 1997). "Ratification of Amendments to the U.S. Constitution" (PDF). Congressional Research Service reports. Washington D.C.: Congressional Research Service, The Library of Congress.
- ^ The Deluge: The Great War and the Remaking of Global Order 1916–1931
- ^ "US Business Cycle Expansions and Contractions" Archived September 25, 2008, at the Wayback Machine., National Bureau of Economic Research
- ^ Romer, Christina D. (1988). "World War I and the postwar depression a reinterpretation based on alternative estimates of GNP". Journal of Monetary Economics. 22 (1): 91–115. doi:10.1016/0304-3932(88)90171-7.
- ^ Arthur Walworth, "Considerations on Woodrow Wilson and Edward M. House", Presidential Studies Quarterly 1994 24(1): 79–86. ISSN 0360-4918
- ^ Woodrow Wilson proclaims the first Mother’s Day holiday from the History Channel
- Link, Arthur S. (editor). The Papers of Woodrow Wilson. Complete in 69 volumes at major academic libraries. Annotated edition of all of Wilson's correspondence, speeches and writings.
- Tumulty, Joseph P. (1921). Woodrow Wilson as I Know Him.. Memoir by Wilson's chief of staff.
- The New Freedom by Woodrow Wilson, available at Project Gutenberg. 1912 campaign speeches
- Wilson, Woodrow (1917). Why We Are at War. Six war messages to Congress, January - April 1917.
- Wilson, Woodrow. Selected Literary & Political Papers & Addresses of Woodrow Wilson. 3 volumes, 1918 and later editions.
- Woodrow Wilson, compiled with his approval by Hamilton Foley; Woodrow Wilson's Case for the League of Nations, Princeton University Press, Princeton 1923; contemporary book review.
- Wilson, Woodrow. Messages & Papers of Woodrow Wilson 2 vol (ISBN 1-135-19812-8)
- Wilson, Woodrow. The New Democracy. Presidential Messages, Addresses, and Other Papers (1913-1917) 2 vol 1926 (ISBN 0-89875-775-4
- Wilson, Woodrow. President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points (1918).
- Ambrosius, Lloyd E., “Woodrow Wilson and George W. Bush: Historical Comparisons of Ends and Means in Their Foreign Policies,” Diplomatic History, 30 (June 2006), 509–43.
- Bailey; Thomas A. Wilson and the Peacemakers: Combining Woodrow Wilson and the Lost Peace and Woodrow Wilson and the Great Betrayal (1947)
- Bennett, David J., He Almost Changed the World: The Life and Times of Thomas Riley Marshall (2007)
- Brands, H. W. Woodrow Wilson 1913-1921'’ (2003)
- Clements, Kendrick, A. Woodrow Wilson : World Statesman (1999)
- Clements, Kendrick A. The Presidency of Woodrow Wilson (1992)
- Clements, Kendrick A. "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," Presidential Studies Quarterly 34:1 (2004). pp 62+
- Cranston, Ruth (1945), The Story of Woodrow Wilson: Twenty-Eighth President of the United States, Pioneer of World Democracy, Simon and Schuster
- Davis, Donald E. and Eugene P. Trani; The First Cold War: The Legacy of Woodrow Wilson in U.S.-Soviet Relations (2002)
- Greene, Theodore P. Ed. Wilson at Versailles (1957)
- Hofstadter, Richard. "Woodrow Wilson: The Conservative as Liberal" in The American Political Tradition (1948), ch. 10.
- Knock, Thomas J. To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest for a New World Order (1995)
- N. Gordon Levin, Jr., Woodrow Wilson and World Politics: America's Response to War and Revolution (1968)
- Link, Arthur S. "Woodrow Wilson" in Henry F. Graff ed., The Presidents: A Reference History (2002) pp 365–388
- Link, Arthur Stanley. Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era, 1910-1917 (1972) standard political history of the era
- Link, Arthur Stanley. Wilson: The Road to the White House (1947), first volume of standard biography (to 1917); Wilson: The New Freedom (1956); Wilson: The Struggle for Neutrality: 1914-1915 (1960); Wilson: Confusions and Crises: 1915-1916 (1964); Wilson: Campaigns for Progressivism and Peace: 1916-1917 (1965), the last volume of standard biography
- Link, Arthur S.; Wilson the Diplomatist: A Look at His Major Foreign Policies (1957)
- Link, Arthur S.; Woodrow Wilson and a Revolutionary World, 1913-1921 (1982)
- Livermore, Seward W. Woodrow Wilson and the War Congress, 1916-1918 (1966)
- Malin, James C. The United States after the World War (1930)
- May, Ernest R. The World War and American Isolation, 1914-1917 (1959)
- Saunders, Robert M. In Search of Woodrow Wilson: Beliefs and Behavior (1998)
- Trani, Eugene P. “Woodrow Wilson and the Decision to Intervene in Russia: A Reconsideration.” Journal of Modern History (1976). 48:440—61. in JSTOR
- Walworth, Arthur (1958), Woodrow Wilson, Volume I, Longmans, Green, http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=24215014
- Walworth, Arthur; Wilson and His Peacemakers: American Diplomacy at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919
- Princeton University (1956). "Woodrow Wilson - Catalogue of an Exhibition in the Princeton University Library February 18 through April 15, 1956 Commemorating the Centennial of His Birth". XVII number=3, Spring issue. The Princeton University Library Chronicle.
|مشاع المعرفة فيه ميديا متعلقة بموضوع Woodrow Wilson.|
- NY Times main headline, April 2, 1917, President Calls for War Declaration, Stronger Navy, New Army of 500,000 Men, Full Cooperation With Germany's Foes
- Extensive essay on Woodrow Wilson and shorter essays on each member of his cabinet and First Lady from the Miller Center of Public Affairs
- Woodrow Wilson visits Carlisle - UK
- Ode to Woodrow Wilson
- Official White House biography
- Woodrow Wilson: A Resource Guide from the Library of Congress
- Presidential Biography by Stanley L. Klos
- Audio clips of Wilson's speeches
- Woodrow Wilson – Biography
- First Inaugural Address
- Second Inaugural Address
- President Wilson's War Address
- Woodrow Wilson Biography
- Woodrow Wilson Presidential Library at His Birthplace Staunton, Virginia
- Boyhood Home of President Woodrow Wilson Augusta, GA
- Woodrow Wilson House Washington,DC
- Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Washington,DC
- Woodrow Wilson Links
- أعمال من Woodrow Wilson في مشروع گوتنبرگ
- Library of Congress: "Today in History: December 28"
- Library of Congress: "Today in History: June 9"
- Woodrow Wilson Ancestral Home
- Woodrow Wilson: Prophet of Peace, a National Park Service Teaching with Historic Places (TwHP) lesson plan
- John Wesley's Place in History at The DCL.
- President Woodrow Wilson: Address To The American Indians
- New Jersey Governor Thomas Woodrow Wilson, National Governors Association (listen online)
- Biography of Woodrow Wilson, New Jersey State Library
Francis L. Patton
|رئيس جامعة پرنستون
1902 – 1910
John A. Stewart (Acting)
John Grier Hibben
John Franklin Fort
|Governor of New Jersey
January 17, 1911 – March 1, 1913
James Fairman Fielder
William Howard Taft
|رئيس الولايات المتحدة
March 4, 1913 – March 4, 1921
Frank S. Katzenbach
|المرشح الديمقراطي حاكم نيوجرزي
James Fairman Fielder
William Jennings Bryan
|Democratic Party presidential candidate
James M. Cox