بيروسوس

(تم التحويل من بروسوس)
Beroso.png

برعوثا أو بيرُسوس (Berossus ؛ /bəˈrɒsəs/؛ باليونانية قديمة: Βηρωσσος, Bērōssos; possibly derived from آكادية: Assyrian cuneiform U12079 MesZL 748 and MesZL 749.svgAssyrian cuneiform U1202D MesZL 10.svgAssyrian cuneiform U12097 MesZL 164.svgAssyrian cuneiform U1227A MesZL 464 or U12450 MesZL 465.svgAssyrian cuneiform U12073 MesZL 813 or U121FB MesZL 812 or U121FC MesZL 814.svgAssyrian cuneiform U122D9 MesZL 869.svgAssyrian cuneiform U12261 MesZL 112.svg, romanized: Bēl-rēʾušunu, "Bel is his shepherd")[1] كان راهباً وفلكياً ومؤرخاً كلدي من بابل ومن عبدة الإله بعل مردوخ، عاش في القرن الثالث قبل الميلاد.[2] ولد بيرسوس خلال أو ربّما إثر فترة حكم الإسكندر المقدوني لبابل وذلك بين سنتي 330 إلى 323 ق.م.، أو وعلى أقصى تقدير سنة 340 ق.م. هناك اعتقاد بأنّ اسمه باللغة الأكدية كان "بعل رعي شو" ومعناها (بعل هو راعيّا).

برعوثا كاهن بابلي ورد اسمه في المصادر اللاتينية بلفظ Berossos، وجاء الاسم في معجم الحضارات السامية Berosa، وأصل الاسم في البابلية هو بِل أُصُر usur-Bél ويعني «يابعل (مردوخ) احمِ!».

لايُعرف تاريخ ولادته ووفاته على نحوٍ دقيق. ولكن يبدو أنه كان شاباً إبان سنوات حكم الاسكندر في بابل (331- 324/323 ق.م)، وعاصر أنطيوخوس الأول Antiochos I، أي عاش في النصف الثاني من القرن الرابع والنصف الأول من الثالث ق.م.

wrote in the Koine Greek language, and who was active at the beginning of the 3rd century BC. Versions of two excerpts of his writings survive, at several removes from the original.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

مؤلفاته

تعود شهرته إلى مصنفه عن تاريخ بلاد بابل المعروف باسم :«البابليّات» Babyloniaca وكذلك باسم «الكَلْديّات» Kaldaica. صنّفه باللغة اليونانية في مطلع عهد أنطيوخوس الأول؛ بين 179- 272 ق.م، وأهداه إليه. وقد تأثر به أنطيوخوس الأول، فحسن معاملته مع كهنة بابل، واهتم بترميم المعابد في البلاد.

وثمة مقتطفات منه نقلها الكتّاب والمؤرّخون الكلاسيكيون مثل بوليستور Polyhistor وأوسيبيوس Eusebios ويوسيفوس Josephus وغيرهم. يقع مصنف تاريخ بابل في ثلاثة كتب:

الأول: يبحث في بدايات الحياة البشرية والخليقة، ويتضمن وصفاً للبيئة الجغرافية والنباتات في بلاد بابل.

الثاني: يعرض أسماء الملوك العشرة الأوائل قبل الطوفان متسلسلةً، ثم يروي خبر الطوفان. يورد بعدها أسماء ستة وثمانين من الملوك الذين حكموا بعد الطوفان فالسلالات التاريخية التالية حتى عهد نَبوخذ نَصَّر.

الثالث: عرض فيه للملوك الذين حكموا بعد نبوخذ نصر حتى غزو الاسكندر المقدوني للبلاد، وفيه يذكر سنوات حكم كل منهم وأهم الأحداث التاريخية فيها. كما ترد فيه معلومات فلكية عن القمر خاصة.

لا تخلو معلومات المصنَّف من بعض الاضطراب والأخطاء، ولكنها منظومة ببراعة، وتتصف بتوافق كثيرٍ منها مع ما جاء في المصادر المسمارية والكلاسيكية؛ ولاسيما قوائم أسماء الملوك. كما تعكس سعة علمه في مجال علم الفلك، وقد استفاد اليونانيون منه في ذلك العلم.

وقد لخص ذلك المصنف الملك يوبا الموريتاني Juba (نسبة إلى الاسم القديم لشمالي إفريقية) في جزئين، ونقل عنهما المؤرخان آيليان Aelian وتاتيان Tatian من مؤرخي القرن الثاني الميلادي. وتواترت عملية النقل والاقتباس منه في العصور اللاحقة. وبقي كتاب «البابليّات» من أبرز المصادر المباشرة عن تاريخ بلاد بابل في مطلع العصر السلوقي.


تاريخ بابل

Versions at several removes of the remains of Berossos' lost babiloniaka are given by two later Greek epitomes that were used by the Christian Eusebius of Caesarea for his Chronological Canons, the Greek manuscripts of which have been lost, but which can be largely recovered by the Latin translation and continuation of Jerome and a surviving Armenian translation.[3][4] The reasons why Berossus wrote the History have not survived, though contemporaneous Greek historians generally did give reasons for the publication of their own histories. It is suggested that it was commissioned by Antiochus I, perhaps desiring a history of one of his newly acquired lands, or by the Great Temple priests, seeking justification for the worship of Marduk in Seleucid lands. Pure history writing per se was not a Babylonian concern, and Josephus testifies to Berossus' reputation as an astrologer.[5] The excerpts quoted recount mythology and history that relate to Old Testament concerns. As historian and archaeologist W.G. Lambert observes: "Of course Berossus may have written other works which are not quoted by Josephus and Eusebius because they lacked any Biblical interest".[5] Lambert finds some statements in the Latin writers so clearly erroneous that it renders doubtful whether the writers had first-hand knowledge of Berossus' text.

النقل والقبول

Berossus' work was not popular during the Hellenistic period. The usual account of Mesopotamian history was Ctesias of Cnidus's Persica, while most of the value of Berossus was considered to be his astrological writings. Most pagan writers probably never read the History directly, and seem to have been dependent on Posidonius of Apamea (135–50 BC), who cited Berossos in his works. While Poseidonius's accounts have not survived, the writings of these tertiary sources do: Vitruvius Pollio (a contemporary of Caesar Augustus), Pliny the Elder (d. 79 AD), and Seneca the Younger (d. 65 AD). Seven later pagan writers probably transmitted Berossus via Poseidonius through an additional intermediary. They were Aetius (1st or 2nd century AD), Cleomedes (second half of 2nd century AD), Pausanias (c. 150 AD), Athenaeus (c. 200 AD), Censorinus (3rd century AD), and an anonymous Latin commentator on the Greek poem Phaenomena by Aratus of Soloi (ca. 315–240/39 BC).

Jewish and Christian references to Berossus probably had a different source, either Alexander Polyhistor (c. 65 BC) or Juba II of Mauretania (c. 50 BC–20 AD). Polyhistor's numerous works included a history of Assyria and Babylonia, while Juba wrote On the Assyrians, both using Berossus as their primary sources. Josephus' records of Berossus include some of the only extant narrative material, but he is probably dependent on Alexander Polyhistor,[بحاجة لمصدر] even if he did give the impression that he had direct access to Berossus. The fragments of the Babylonaica found in three Christian writers' works are probably dependent on Alexander or Juba (or both). They are Tatianus of Syria (2nd century AD), Theophilus Bishop of Antioch (180 AD), and Titus Flavius Clemens (c. 200 AD).

Like Poseidonius', neither Alexander's nor Juba's works have survived. However, the material in Berossus was recorded by Abydenus (c. 200 BC) and Sextus Julius Africanus (early 3rd century AD). Both their works are also lost, possibly considered too long, but Eusebius Bishop of Caesaria (c. 260–340 AD), in his work the Chronicon, preserved some of their accounts. The Greek text of the Chronicon is also now lost to us but there is an ancient Armenian translation (500–800 AD) of it,[6] and portions are quoted in Georgius Syncellus's Ecloga Chronographica (c. 800–810 AD). Nothing of Berossus survives in Jerome's Latin translation of Eusebius. Eusebius' other mentions of Berossus in Praeparatio Evangelica are derived from Josephus, Tatianus, and another inconsequential source (the last cite contains only, "Berossus the Babylonian recorded Naboukhodonosoros in his history").

Christian writers after Eusebius are probably reliant on him, but include Pseudo-Justinus (3rd–5th century), Hesychius of Alexandria (5th century), Agathias (536–582), Moses of Chorene (8th century), an unknown geographer of unknown date, and the Suda (Byzantine dictionary from the 10th century). Thus, what little of Berossus remains is very fragmentary and indirect. The most direct source of material on Berossus is Josephus, received from Alexander Polyhistor. Most of the names in his king-lists and most of the potential narrative content have been lost or completely mangled as a result. Only Eusebius and Josephus preserve narrative material, and both had agendas. Eusebius was looking to construct a consistent chronology across different cultures,[6][بحاجة لمصدر غير رئيسي] while Josephus was attempting to refute the charges that there was a civilization older than that of the Jews.[بحاجة لمصدر] However, the ten ante-diluvian kings were preserved by Christian apologists interested in how the long lifespans of the kings were similar to the long lifespans of the ante-diluvian ancestors in the story of Genesis.

المصادر والمحتوى

The Armenian translations of Eusebius and Syncellus' transmissions (Chronicon and Ecloga Chronographica, respectively) both record Berossus' use of "public records" and it is possible that Berossus catalogued his sources. This did not make him reliable, only that he was careful with the sources and his access to priestly and sacred records allowed him to do what other Babylonians could not. What we have of ancient Mesopotamian myth is somewhat comparable with Berossus, though the exact integrity with which he transmitted his sources is unknown because much of the literature of Mesopotamia has not survived. What is clear is that the form of writing he used was dissimilar to actual Babylonian literature, writing as he did in Greek.

Book 1 fragments are preserved in Eusebius and Syncellus above, and describe the Babylonian creation account and establishment of order, including the defeat of Thalatth (Tiamat) by Bel (Marduk). According to him, all knowledge was revealed to humans by the sea monster Oannes after the Creation, and so Verbrugghe and Wickersham (2000:17) have suggested that this is where the astrological fragments discussed above would fit, if at all.

Book 2 describes the history of the Babylonian kings from Alulim down to Nabonassar (747–734 BC). Eusebius reports that Apollodorus reports that Berossus recounts 432,000 years from the first king Aloros (Alulim) to the tenth king Xisouthros and the Babylonian Flood. From Berossus' genealogy, it is clear that he had access to king-lists in compiling this section of History, particularly in the kings before the Flood, and from the 7th century BC with Senakheirimos (Sennacherib, who ruled both Assyria and Babylon). His account of the Flood (preserved in Syncellus) is extremely similar to versions of the Epic of Gilgamesh that we have presently. However, in Gilgamesh, the main protagonist is Utnapishtim, while for Berossus, Xisouthros is probably a Greek transliteration of Ziusudra, the protagonist of the Sumerian version of the Flood.

Perhaps what Berossus omits to mention is also noteworthy. Much information on Sargon (c. 2300 BC) would have been available during his time (e.g., a birth legend preserved at El-Amarna and in an Assyrian fragment from 8th century BC, and two Neo-Babylonian fragments), but these were not mentioned. Similarly, the great Babylonian king Hammurabi (ca. 1750 BC) merits only passing mention. He did, however, mention that the queen Semiramis (probably Sammuramat, wife of Samshi-Adad V, 824–811 BC) was Assyrian. Perhaps it was in response to Greek writers mythologising her to the point where she was described as the founder of Babylon, daughter of the Syrian goddess Derketo, and married to Ninus (the legendary founder of Nineveh, according to Greek authors).

Book 3 relates the history of Babylon from Nabonassar to Antiochus I (presumably). Again, it is likely that he used king-lists, though it is not known which ones he used. The Mesopotamian documents known as King-List A (one copy from the 6th or 5th centuries BC) and Chronicle 1 (3 copies with one confidently dated to 500 BC) are usually suggested as the ones he used, due to the synchronicity between those and his History (though there are some differences). A large part of his history around the time of Naboukhodonosoros (Nebuchadnezzar II, 604–562 BC) and Nabonnedos (Nabonidus, 556–539 BC) survives. Here we see his interpretation of history for the first time, moralising about the success and failure of kings based on their moral conduct. This is similar to another Babylonian history, Chronicle of Nabonidus (as well as to the Hebrew Bible), and differs from the rationalistic accounts of other Greek historians like Thucydides.

At the time of the Jewish historian Josephus (1st-century AD), the historical records contained in Berossus' third book of his Chaldaic History were still extant and which Josephus used in citing the regnal years of 6 Babylonian kings.[7] Josephus' record of regnal years for these kings is also corroborated by Ptolemy of Alexandria in his Canon, excepting for the fact that the king that reigned between Neglissar and Nabonnedus is omitted by Ptolemy.

Nabopolassar = reigned 21 years.
Nebuchadnezzar b. Nabuchodonosor = reigned 43 years.
Evil Merodach (also called Amel-Marduk) = reigned 2 years. (Josephus, elsewhere, contradicts himself, saying that Evil Merodach reigned 18 years).[8]
Neglissar (Neriglissoor) = reigned 4 years (Josephus, elsewhere, contradicts himself, saying that Neglissar reigned 40 years).[9]
Laborosoarchod (Labosordacus) = reigned 9 months.
Nabonnedus (also known as Baltasar) = reigned 17 years, in which year, Cyrus king of Persia and Darius king of Media took Babel (Borsippus) from the Chaldaeans.

انجازات تاريخ بابل

Berossus' achievement may be seen in terms of how he combined the Hellenistic methods of historiography and Mesopotamian accounts to form a unique composite. Like Herodotus and Thucydides, he probably autographed his work for the benefit of later writers. Certainly he furnished details of his own life within his histories, which contrasted with the Mesopotamian tradition of anonymous scribes. Elsewhere, he included a geographical description of Babylonia, similar to that found in Herodotus (on Egypt), and used Greek classifications. There is some evidence that he resisted adding information to his research, especially for the earlier periods with which he was not familiar. Only in Book 3 do we see his opinions begin to enter the picture.

Secondly, he constructed a narrative from Creation to his present, again similar to Herodotus or the Hebrew Bible. Within this construction, the sacred myths blended with history. Whether he shared Hellenistic skepticism about the existence of the gods and their tales is unknown, though it is likely he believed them more than the satirist Ovid, for example. The naturalistic attitude found in Syncellus' transmission is probably more representative of the later Greek authors who transmitted the work than of Berossus himself.

During his own time and later, however, the History of Babylonia was not distributed widely. Verbrugghe and Wickersham argue that the lack of relation between the material in History and the Hellenistic world was not relevant, since Diodorus' equally bizarre book on Egyptian mythology was preserved. Instead, the reduced association between Mesopotamia and the Greco-Roman lands during Parthian rule was partially responsible. Secondly, his material did not include as much narrative, especially of periods with which he was not familiar, even when potential sources for stories were available. They suggest:[10]

Perhaps Berossos was a prisoner of his own methodology and purpose. He used ancient records that he refused to flesh out, and his account of more recent history, to judge by what remains, contained nothing more than a bare narrative. If Berossos believed in the continuity of history with patterns that repeated themselves (i.e., cycles of events as there were cycles of the stars and planets), a bare narrative would suffice. Indeed, this was more than one would suspect a Babylonian would or could do. Those already steeped in Babylonian historical lore would recognize the pattern and understand the interpretation of history Berossos was making. If this, indeed, is what Berossos presumed, he made a mistake that would cost him interested Greek readers who were accustomed to a much more varied and lively historical narrative where there could be no doubt who was an evil ruler and who was not.

What is left of Berossus' writings is useless for the reconstruction of Mesopotamian history. Of greater interest to scholars is his historiography, using as it did both Greek and Mesopotamian methods. The affinities between it and Hesiod, Herodotus, Manethon, and the Hebrew Bible (specifically, the Torah and Deuteronomistic History) as histories of the ancient world give us an idea about how ancient people viewed their world. Each begins with a fantastic creation story, followed by a mythical ancestral period, and then finally accounts of recent kings who seem to be historical, with no demarcations in between. Blenkinsopp (1992:41) notes:

In composing his history, Berossus drew on the mythic-historiographical tradition of Mesopotamia, and specifically on such well known texts as the creation myth Enuma Elish, Atrahasis, and the king lists, which provided the point of departure and conceptual framework for a universal history. But the mythic and archaic element was combined with the chronicles of rulers which can lay claim to being in some degree genuinely historical.

This early approach to historiography, though preceded by Hesiod, Herodotus, and the Hebrew Bible, demonstrates its own unique approach. Though one must be careful about how much can be described of the original work, his apparent resistance to adding to his sources is noteworthy, as is the lack of moralising he introduces to those materials he is not familiar with.


. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

أعمال مشتقة

Regarding the flood, Josephus in Antiquities Bk 1, Ch 3§6 quotes several sources including Berosus

Now all the writers of barbarian histories make mention of this flood, and of this ark; among whom is Berosus the Chaldean. For when he is describing the circumstances of the flood, he goes on thus: "It is said there is still some part of this ship in Armenia, at the mountain of the Cordyaeans; and that some people carry off pieces of the bitumen, which they take away, and use chiefly as amulets for the averting of mischiefs."

بيروسوس الزائف

In 1498, Annius of Viterbo claimed to have discovered lost books of Berossus. These were in fact an elaborate forgery.[11] However, they greatly[12] influenced Renaissance ways of thinking about population and migration, because Annius provided a list of kings from Japhet onwards, filling a historical gap following the Biblical account of the Flood. Annius also introduced characters from classical sources into the biblical framework, publishing his account as Commentaria super opera diversorum auctorum de antiquitatibus loquentium (Commentaries on the Works of Various Authors Discussing Antiquity). One consequence was sophisticated theories about Celtic races with Druid priests in Western Europe.[13]

نهاية حياته

انتقل برعوثا في أواخر حياته ـ لأسباب مجهولة ـ من بابل إلى جزيرة كوس اليونانية، ويرجح أنه مات فيها.

ملاحظات

المراجع

  1. ^ The suggestion was made by Heinrich Zimmern; cf. Lehmann-Haupt, "Neue Studien zu Berossos" Klio 22 (1929:29)
  2. ^ Seneca Nat. Questiones III.29: "Berosus, qui Belum interpretatus est...", "Berossus, who expounded the doctrine of Bel/Marduk" (interpretatus) as rendered by W. G. Lambert, "Berossus and Babylonian Eschatology" Iraq, 38.2 (Autumn 1976:171-173) p. 172.
  3. ^ Robin Lane Fox, Travelling Heroes in the Epic Age of Homer, 2008:81, who gives his sources in note 49.
  4. ^ The authority on Eusebius' Chronicle is Alden Mosshammer The Chronicle of Eusebius and Greek Chronographic Tradition, 1979.
  5. ^ أ ب Lambert 1976:171.
  6. ^ أ ب "Eusebius' Chronicle (or Chronography), Translated from Classical Armenian, Public Domain Work. Eusebius, Chronicle, Table of Contents". Rbedrosian.com. Retrieved 2012-10-18.
  7. ^ Josephus, Against Apion 1:19–20
  8. ^ See Parker, R.A.; Dubberstein, Waldo H. (1956). Babylonian Chronology, 626 B.C.–A.D. 75 (in الإنجليزية). Providence: Brown University Press. p. 28. OCLC 460027103., who put down only two regnal years for this king.
  9. ^ See Parker, R.A.; Dubberstein, Waldo H. (1956). Babylonian Chronology, 626 B.C.–A.D. 75 (in الإنجليزية). Providence: Brown University Press. p. 29. OCLC 460027103., who put down only four regnal years for this king, and who is called by them Nergal-Shar-Usur.
  10. ^ Verbrugghe and Wickersham (2000:32)
  11. ^ Stephens, Walter (2011). "Complex Pseudonymity: Annius of Viterbo's Multiple Persona Disorder". MLN. 126 (4): 689–708. ISSN 0026-7910.
  12. ^ Krebs, C. B. 2011. A Most Dangerous Book. Tacitus's Germania from the Roman Empire to the Third Reich. New York: W. W. Norton, pp. 103f.
  13. ^ Morse, Michael A. How the Celts Came to Britain. Tempus Publishing, Stroud, 2005. page 15.

ببليوگرافيا

External links