أخلاق العمل البروتستانتية

الأخلاق البروتستانتية THE PROTESTANT ETHIC مجموعة مفاهيم في سلوك المسيحيين تركز على القيمة الأخلاقية للعمل، وضبط النفس، والشعور بالمسؤولية الشخصية. وقد أُخذت هذه المبادئ من الاعتقاد البروتستانتي بأن الناس لايعيشون ويعملون لأنفسهم فحسب، بل إن أعمال الناس أو مقاصدهم كما تسمى أحيانًا، إنما تتأتى بأمر الله. ويبرهن الناس على قيمتهم لأنفسهم، وللمجتمع، ولله، بمغالبة الشدائد عن طريق العمل المخلص، وضبط النفس والسلوك الأخلاقي.

والأخلاق البروتستانتية تحث الناس على العمل إيمانًا منهم بأن العمل خير، وتشدد على نكران الذات توخيًا للاستقامة. وتنهى عن تبذير الأموال الطائلة في الترف أو الملذات الشخصية، وتؤكد على أن الرفاهية الزائدة تلهي الناس عن واجبهم نحو الله. ولا ترى الأخلاق البروتستانتية أن الثروة إثم في ذاتها، إنما تصبح إثمًا فقط حينما تغري بالتبطل والفسوق.

والمسؤولية الشخصية هي واحدة من أهم المثل العليا في الأخلاق البروتستانتية، فمثلاً، الإخلاص وبُعْد النظر والتدبر أمور تُعين الإنسان على النجاح، وصمود الإنسان أمام المغريات يحفظه من تبديد طاقته، ومدخراته ووقته. والإنسان في نظر الأخلاق البروتستانتية طيب إذا كان دؤوبًا على عمله، وأمينًا ومستقيمًا. فمثل هذا الشخص أطهر من الكسول، والباحث عن ملذاته والمبذر.

التاريخ

فكرة الأخلاق البروتستانتية وثيقة الصلة بعالم اجتماعي ألماني هو ماكس ڤيبر. فقد كتب فيبر خلال عامي 1904-1905م مقالة مشهورةبعنوان الأخلاق البروتستانتية وروح الرأسمالية أكد فيها أن مبادئ البروتستانتية قد أسهمت في تطور النظام الاقتصادي المسمى رأسمالية. ففي الرأسمالية يسيطر أفراد ومؤسسات على وسائل الإنتاج ويوجهونها.كما أن العمل الدؤوب، والاستثمار وما يدخره الأفراد كل ذلك يساعد على بناء الاقتصاد الرأسمالي.


التاريخ السياسي الأمريكي

Captain John Smith, admiral of New England (1624)

In 1607, the first English settlement in America was established at Jamestown, led by John Smith.[1] He trained the first English settlers to work at farming and fishing. These settlers were ill-equipped to survive in the English settlements in the early 1600s and were on the precipice of dying. John Smith emphasized the Protestant work ethic [2] and helped propagate it by stating "He that will not work, shall not eat" which is a direct reference to 2 Thessalonians 3:10.[3] This policy is credited with helping the early colony survive and thrive in its relatively harsh environment.[4]

Writer Frank Chodorov argued that the Protestant ethic was long considered indispensable for American political figures:

There was a time, in these United States, when a candidate for public office could qualify with the electorate only by fixing his birthplace in or near the "log cabin". He may have acquired a competence, or even a fortune, since then, but it was in the tradition that he must have been born of poor parents and made his way up the ladder by sheer ability, self-reliance, and perseverance in the face of hardship. In short, he had to be "self made". The so-called Protestant Ethic then prevalent held that man was a sturdy and responsible individual, responsible to himself, his society, and his God. Anybody who could not measure up to that standard could not qualify for public office or even popular respect. One who was born "with a silver spoon in his mouth" might be envied, but he could not aspire to public acclaim; he had to live out his life in the seclusion of his own class.[5]

— Frank Chodorov، The Radical Rich

Others have connected the concept of a Protestant work ethic to racist ideals.[6][7] Civil rights activist Martin Luther King Jr. said:

We have deluded ourselves into believing the myth that capitalism grew and prospered out of the Protestant ethic of hard work and sacrifice. The fact is that capitalism was built on the exploitation and suffering of black slaves and continues to thrive on the exploitation of the poor—both black and white, here and abroad.[8]

الدعم

Late-20th century works by Lawrence Harrison, Samuel P. Huntington, and David Landes revitalized interest[أين؟] in Weber's thesis.[بحاجة لمصدر]

In a New York Times article, published on June 8, 2003, Niall Ferguson claimed, using data from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), that "the experience of Western Europe in the past quarter-century offers an unexpected confirmation of the Protestant ethic", that the reason that people in modern Protestant Western European nations actually work fewer hours on average than in the Catholic ones or in the United States is due to a decline in active Protestantism.[9]

الأفراد

There are studies of the existence and impact of the so-called Protestant Ethic on individuals.[10] A study at the University of Groningen shows that unemployed Protestants fare much worse than the general population psychologically.[11]

الولايات المتحدة

The original New England Colonies in 1677 were mostly Protestant in origin and exhibited industriousness and respect for laws.[12]

Some of the original New England Colonies in 1677

Pastor John Starke writes that the Protestant work ethic "multiplied myths about Protestantism, Calvinism, vocation, and capitalism. To this day, many believe Protestants work hard so as to build evidence for salvation."[13]

Some support exists that the Protestant work ethic may be so ingrained in American culture that when it appears people may not recognize it.[14] Due to the history of Protestantism in the United States, it may be difficult to separate the successes of the country from the ethic that may have significantly contributed to propelling it.[بحاجة لمصدر]

التباين مع أخلاق لاهوت الرخاء

Tshilidzi Marwala asserted in 2020 that the principles of Protestant ethic are important for development in Africa and that they should be secularized and used as an alternative to the ethic of Prosperity Christianity, which advocates miracles as a basis of development.[15]

In a recent journal article, Benjamin Kirby agrees that this influence of prosperity theology, particularly within neo-Pentecostal movements, complicates any attempt to draw parallels between, first, the relationship between contemporary Pentecostalism and neoliberal capitalism, and second, the relationship between Calvinistic asceticism and modern capitalism that interested Weber. Nevertheless, Kirby emphasises the enduring relevance of Weber's analysis: he proposes a "new elective affinity" between contemporary Pentecostalism and neoliberal capitalism, suggesting that neo-Pentecostal churches may act as vehicles for embedding neoliberal economic processes, for instance by encouraging practitioners to become entrepreneurial, responsibilised citizens.[16]

نقد

انظر أيضا ماكس ڤيبر#كتابات تاريخية.

انظر أيضاً: The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism § Criticism

التاريخانية

Austrian political economist Joseph Schumpeter argued that capitalism began in Italy in the 14th century, not in the Protestant areas of Europe.[17]

Danish macroeconomist Thomas Barnebeck Andersen et al. found that the location of monasteries of the Catholic Order of Cistercians, and specifically their density, highly correlated to this work ethic in later centuries;[18] ninety percent of these monasteries were founded before the year 1300 AD. Economist Joseph Henrich found that this correlation extends right up to the twenty-first century.[19]

Other factors that further developed the European market economy included the strengthening of property rights and lowering of transaction costs with the decline and monetization of feudalism, and the increase in real wages following the epidemics of bubonic plague.[20]

Social scientist Rodney Stark commented that "during their critical period of economic development, these northern centers of capitalism were Catholic, not Protestant", with the Reformation still far off in the future. Furthermore, he also highlighted the conclusions of other historians, noting that, compared to Catholics, Protestants were "not more likely to hold the high-status capitalist positions", that Catholic Europe did not lag in its industrial development compared to Protestant areas, and that even Weber wrote that "fully developed capitalism had appeared in Europe" long before the Reformation.[21] As British historian Hugh Trevor-Roper stated, the concept that "large-scale industrial capitalism was ideologically impossible before the Reformation is exploded by the simple fact that it existed".[22]

French historian Fernand Braudel wrote that "all historians" opposed the "tenuous theory" of Protestant ethic, despite not being able to entirely quash the theory "once and for all". Braudel continues to remark that the "northern countries took over the place that earlier had been so long and brilliantly been occupied by the old capitalist centers of the Mediterranean. They invented nothing, either in technology or business management".[23]

Historian Laurence R. Iannaccone has written that "Ironically, the most noteworthy feature of the Protestant Ethic thesis is its absence of empirical support", citing the work of Swedish economic historian Kurt Samuelsson[24] that "economic progress was uncorrelated with religion, or was temporally incompatible with Weber's thesis, or actually reversed the pattern claimed by Weber."[25]

German economists Sascha Becker and Ludger Wößmann have posited an alternate theory, claiming that the literacy gap between Protestants (as a result of the Reformation) and Catholics was sufficient explanation for the economic gaps, and that the "results hold when we exploit the initial concentric dispersion of the Reformation to use distance to Wittenberg as an instrument for Protestantism".[26] However, they also note that, between Luther (1500) and Prussia during the Franco-Prussian War (1870–71), the limited data available has meant that the period in question is regarded as a "black box" and that only "some cursory discussion and analysis" is possible.[27]

الأثر الحديث

A 2021 study argues that the values represented by the Protestant ethic as developed by Max Weber are not exclusively related to Protestantism but to the modernization phase of economic development. Weber observed this phase of development in areas dominated by Protestants at the time of his observations. From these observations, he concludes that a worldly asceticism consisting of a preference for work and a sober life are associated with Protestantism. However Dutch management economists Annemiek Schilpzand and Eelke de Jong argue that this value pattern is associated with the modernization phase of a region's economic development and thus, in principle, can be found for any religion or for non-religious persons.[28]

A 2013 study of 44 European countries found that religious heritage of countries explains half of the between-country variation in Europe in Work Ethic, more than modernity, while factors such as income, education, religion and (in another study) secularization explain relatively little. However, the study showed that Protestant heritage was actually the least correlated with a strong work ethic, with Muslim, then Orthodox, then Catholic heritages being the strongest.[29]

A 2009 study of 32 mainly developed countries found no difference in work ethic between Catholics and Protestants, after correcting for demographic and country effects; however, it found substantial support for a social ethic effect due to, e.g., the Catholic attention to production within the family and to personal contacts: "Protestant values are shown to shape a type of individual who exerts greater effort in mutual social control, supports institutions more and more critically, is less bound to close circles of family and friends, and also holds more homogenous values … (which ultimately works) in favour of anonymous markets, as they facilitate legal enforcement and impersonal exchange."[30]:890,908–910 A similar result is in the 2003 analysis of Western Europe by Riis.[31]

A re-examination of Weber's Protestant Ethic indicates that what was important for long-term economic growth was not a greater propensity to save and work of individual Protestants but rather the manner in which a group of Protestants interacted compared with a group of Catholics.[32]

— Ulrich Blum, Leonard Dudley، "Religion and Economic Growth: Was Weber Right?" – Journal of Evolutionary Economics، Vol 11, issue 2, pp. 217

انظر أيضا

المصادر

  1. ^ "John Smith (bap. 1580–1631)". Encyclopedia Virginia.
  2. ^ "Early Americans Valued a Strong, Bible-Inspired Work Ethic". American Heritage Education Foundation. 7 September 2017.
  3. ^ "2 Thessalonians 3:10 ESV – Bible Gateway".
  4. ^ "John Smith, Jamestown and the Roots of America". YouTube. May 2020.
  5. ^ Chodorov, Frank (21 March 2011). "The Radical Rich". Mises Daily Articles. Mises Institute.
  6. ^ Rosenthal, L. (2011). "Protestant work ethic's relation to intergroup and policy attitudes: A meta-analytic review | Semantic Scholar". European Journal of Social Psychology. 41 (7): 874–885. doi:10.1002/EJSP.832. S2CID 33949400.
  7. ^ Massey, Alana (May 26, 2015). "The White Protestant Roots of American Racism". The New Republic.
  8. ^ "Smiley: Capitalism has always been built on the back of the poor — both black and white". Public Radio International. 4 December 2017.
  9. ^ Ferguson, Niall (June 8, 2003). "The World; Why America Outpaces Europe (Clue: The God Factor)". The New York Times. Retrieved September 19, 2011.
  10. ^ Jones, Harold B. (July 1997). "The Protestant Ethic: Weber's Model and the Empirical Literature". Human Relations. 50 (7): 757–778. doi:10.1177/001872679705000701. S2CID 146171646.
  11. ^ O'Connell, Andrew (August 29, 2013). "There Really is Such a Thing as the Protestant Work Ethic". Harvard Business Review.
  12. ^ "Protestantism in America".
  13. ^ Starke, John (16 June 2017). "The Myth of the Protestant Work Ethic".
  14. ^ "Protestant work ethic that took root in faith is now ingrained in our culture". Chron. September 2007.
  15. ^ Marwala, Tscilidzi (November 29, 2020). "A Protestant work ethic, and not the flash and glamour of Prosperity Christianity, is what Africa needs". Retrieved November 23, 2022.
  16. ^ Kirby, Benjamin (2019). "Pentecostalism, economics, capitalism: Putting the Protestant Ethic to work". Religion. 49 (4): 571–591. doi:10.1080/0048721X.2019.1573767. S2CID 182190916.
  17. ^ Schumpeter, Joseph A. (1994), "Part II From the Beginning to the First Classical Situation (to about 1790), chapter 2 The scholastic Doctors and the Philosophers of Natural Law", History of Economic Analysis, Routledge, pp. 74–75, ISBN 978-0-415-10888-1, OCLC 269819 . In the footnote, Schumpeter refers to Usher, Abbott Payson (1943). The Early History of Deposit Banking in Mediterranean Europe. Harvard economic studies; v. 75. Harvard university press. and de Roover, Raymond (December 1942). "Money, Banking, and Credit in Medieval Bruges". Journal of Economic History. 2, supplement S1: 52–65. doi:10.1017/S0022050700083431. S2CID 154125596.
  18. ^ Andersen, Thomas Barnebeck; Bentzen, Jeanet; Dalgaard, Carl-Johan; Sharp, Paul (September 2017). "Pre-Reformation Roots of the Protestant Ethic". The Economic Journal. 127 (604): 1756–1793. doi:10.1111/ecoj.12367. S2CID 153784078.
  19. ^ Henrich, Joseph (2020). The WEIRDest People in the World: How the West Became Psychologically Peculiar and Particularly Prosperous. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. ISBN 978-0-374-17322-7.
  20. ^ Voigtlander, Nico; Voth, Hans-Joachim (October 9, 2012). "The Three Horsemen of Riches: Plague, War, and Urbanization in Early Modern Europe" (PDF). The Review of Economic Studies. 80 (2): 774–811. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.303.2638. doi:10.1093/restud/rds034. hdl:10230/778.
  21. ^ "Protestant Modernity". 31 January 2017.
  22. ^ Trevor-Roper. 2001. The Crisis of the Seventeenth Century. Liberty Fund
  23. ^ Braudel, Fernand (1977). Afterthoughts on Material Civilization and Capitalism Material Civilization and Capitalism (in الإنجليزية). Johns Hopkins University Press.
  24. ^ Samuelsson, Kurt; French, E. Geoffrey (1993). Religion and Economic Action: The Protestant Ethic, the Rise of Capitalism and the Abuses of Scholarship. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-8020-7733-2. JSTOR 10.3138/j.ctvfrxmzt.
  25. ^ خطأ استشهاد: وسم <ref> غير صحيح؛ لا نص تم توفيره للمراجع المسماة iannaccone
  26. ^ Becker, Sascha O.; Woessmann, Ludger (May 2009). "Was Weber Wrong? A Human Capital Theory of Protestant Economic History *". Quarterly Journal of Economics (in الإنجليزية). 124 (2): 531–596. doi:10.1162/qjec.2009.124.2.531. hdl:1893/1653. ISSN 0033-5533. S2CID 3113486.
  27. ^ Becker, Wossmann (2007), p. A5, Appendix B
  28. ^ Schilpzand, Annemiek; de Jong, Eelke (2021). "Work ethic and economic development: An investigation into Weber's thesis". European Journal of Political Economy. 66 101958. doi:10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2020.101958.قالب:Creative Commons text attribution notice
  29. ^ Stam, Kirsten; Verbakel, Ellen; De Graaf, Paul M. (May 2013). "EXPLAINING VARIATION IN WORK ETHIC IN EUROPE: Religious heritage rather than modernisation, the welfare state and communism". European Societies. 15 (2): 268–289. doi:10.1080/14616696.2012.726734. hdl:2066/121612. S2CID 145191240.
  30. ^ Arruñada, Benito (2010). "Protestants and Catholics: Similar Work Ethic, Different Social Ethic". The Economic Journal. 120 (547): 890–918. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0297.2009.02325.x. hdl:10230/624. ISSN 0013-0133. JSTOR 40929701.
  31. ^ "In modern Europe, the two main religious groups do not differ much in their work ethics, economic individualism, or emphasis on wealth, though there is some indication of differences with respect to cultural individualism." Riis, Ole (1 January 2003). "Religion and the Spirit of Capitalism in Modern Europe". Religion in Secularizing Society: 22–47. doi:10.1163/9789004496354_006. ISBN 978-90-04-12622-0. S2CID 154567819.
  32. ^ Blum, Ulrich; Dudley, Leonard (February 2001), "Religion and Economic Growth: Was Weber Right?", Journal of Evolutionary Economics 11 (2): 207–230, doi:10.1007/PL00003862, http://www.sceco.umontreal.ca/publications/etext/2001-05.pdf 

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